by midtowng | 1/30/2010 11:44:00 PM
On January 29, 1911, a small band of 18 revolutionaries marched into Mexicali and seized the town, practically without firing a shot. Thus began one of the most unusual and controversial episodes in Mexican history.
These revolutionaries were not the typical warlords that Mexico was used to seeing. These revolutionaries had American volunteers, but not the sort of filibusters that Baja California was already very familiar with. In fact, this revolutionary movement had little in common with anything Mexico had experienced before or since.

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These revolutionaries weren't interested in just overthrowing the corrupt and repressive government, they wanted to overthrow society as well.



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Ricardo Flores Magón was born on Mexican Independence Day in 1874. Ricardo and his brothers, Jesús and Enrique, grew up in extreme poverty.
Early on, Flores embraced the anti-clerical, reform agenda of the liberal society. On August 7, 1900, Flores, his brothers, and Antonio Horcasitas founded the periodical Regeneración. The very next year Flores would help found the Partido Liberal Mexicano (i.e. Mexican Liberal Party). This journalistic/political alliance would become one of the origins upon which the Mexican Revolution was founded.
"The Liberal Party works for the welfare of the poor classes of the Mexican people. It does not impose a candidate (in the presidential election), because it will be up to the will of the people to settle the question. Does the people want a master? Well let them elect one. All the Liberal Party desires is to effect a change in the mind of the toiling people so that every man and woman should know that no one has the right to exploit anybody."
- Flores Magon, November 20th 1910
Ricardo Flores was an anarchist. He was influenced by the early anarchist writings of Mikhail Bakunin and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, but his primary influence was Peter Kropotkin. It is with this philosophy that the Liberal Party would be built upon.

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Partido Liberal Mexicano 1910

The Magonistas were campesinos, industrial workers, miners, and a smattering of middle-class intellectuals. Their original aim was to bring down the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz. They used strikes, propaganda, and even guerrilla tactics of sabotage to undermine the government. Before long they were wanted men. On January 4, 1904, Flores Magón, his brother Enrique, and a few supporters, fled crossed the border into Texas.
The Magonista leadership remained in exile from 1904 to 1907, where they continued to print the Regeneracion, which eventually reached a circulation of 27,000 despite the targeted readership being largely illiterate.

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On July 1, 1906, the Magonistas published a call for revolution. Liberal groups organized overwhelmingly by the PLM began a series of direct attacks on the state-capitalist system in Jimenez, Coahuila, Camargo, Tamaulipas, Acayucan and other cities. The attacks failed miserably due to lack of funds, weapons, and recruits.
What the Magonistas failed to anticipate was that they had other enemies besides just Diaz. The revolts caught the attention of a capitalist land-owner in Los Angeles by the name of Harrison Gray Otis, the owner of the Los Angeles Times. Together with industrialist William Greene, Otis spent thousands of dollars of his own money hiring the Furlong Detective Agency to round up Magonista leadership within America by the hundreds, starting in August 1907. They weren't charged with crimes against any living thing, but instead were tried for spreading revolutionary propaganda.

The Magonistas tried another revolt in 1908, which failed for similar reasons. By 1910 the PLM was nearly bankrupt. This caused the PLM to change its focus to primarily Baja California, and to rely on support from socialist and labor groups in America, with the Industrial Workers of the World (i.e. Wobblies) taking the lead.
It was around this time that Francisco Madero began the much more widely supported and better funded Mexican Revolution. With the Diaz government shaken from a nationwide revolution, the PLM decided to make their move in Mexicali.
"Governments have to protect the right of property above all other rights. Do not expect then, that Madero will attack the right of property in favour of the working class. Open your eyes."
- Flores Magon, November 1910
By January 1911 the PLM was successfully liberating towns and villages in six different Mexican states. In March, a peasant army led by Emilio Zapata, but influenced by Magon, rose in revolt.

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Within three days of the Magonistas seizing Mexicali, 120 volunteers flocked to the cause, 40 of them were anglo Wobblies from America. The Wobblies had been instrumental for months now in smuggling arms across the border, and for raising money for the cause. Wobblie members of note were Joe Hill and Frank Little.
"We socialists, anarchists, hoboes, chicken thieves, outlaws and undesirable citizens of the U.S. are with you heart and soul. You will notice that we are not respectable. Neither are you. No revolutionary can possibly be respectable in these days of the reign of property...I for one wish there were more outlaws of the sort that formed the gallant band that took Mexicali."
- Jack London, February 5, 1911
After building up their numbers and resources, the Magonistas then marched on Tecate, capturing small mining towns along the way. On March 12, Tecate fell to the rebels, but the federal soldiers were beginning to organize and offer tougher resistance. Colonel Celso Vega, governor of the region, sent a force of 100 to defeat the revolutionaries. Through a combination of desertions and poor logistics, the federal army was soundly defeated by the Magonistas. The way was now open to the Pacific.

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Magonistas es Mexicali 1911

Meanwhile, on February 8, a force of Magonistas seized Guadalupe, Chihuahua, capturing weapons and supplies in the process. Another force of 200 captured the towns of Sasabe, Hermisillo, Arizpe, and Bacoachi. However, this force was defeated in March and its leaders were executed.

In response to the unrest, the American government sent 20,000 troops to the border in order to cut off the source of supplies and weapons. Recruits for the rebellion were sought openly in I.W.W. halls, offering $1 a day and 160 acres of land.
"The Mexican Liberal Party is not fighting to destroy the dictator Porfirio Diaz in order to put in his place a new tyrant. The PLM is taking part in the actual insurrection with the deliberate and firm purpose of expropriating the land and the means of production and handing them over to the people, that is, each and every one of the inhabitants of Mexico without distinction of sex. This act we consider essential to open the gates for the effective emancipation of the Mexican people."
- PLM manifesto, April 1911
By this time the Magonista army in Baja numbered about 300, 100 of which were Wobblies. At dawn on May 10, the long anticipated attack on Tijuana began. By 8 a.m. it was all over. Around 20 of the Federal defenders and a dozen of the rebels had been killed. A large red flag was raised over the tiny town with the slogan "Tierra y Libertad" on it.
It was at this point, when the Magonistas seemed to have everything going for them, that it all began to fall apart.

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Magonistas en Tijuana

The biggest problem was that Madero and Diaz had signed a peace agreement on the condition of Diaz stepping down as dictator. With the revolution temporarily suspended, the federal forces were now free to turn on the Magonistas. An army of nearly 600 was being organized at Ensenada.
It's possible that this threat could have been dealt with except for four other crippling issues:
1) supplies were getting exhausted because of the military blockade at the border. This included everything from ammunition to food.
2) a general lack of leadership. Much of the Magonista leadership had been arrested, and those that remained were politicians, not generals. Magon himself never left California to directly participate in the revolt.
3) the revolution had been infiltrated by opportunists. A number of profiteers sold "day-passes" to San Diego tourists who freely looted Tijuana shops.
4) a general lack of support from the local population.

On June 2, 1911, Richard "Dick" Ferris held a meeting and declared himself the new president of the "Republic of Baja California." He advised the rebels to haul down the Red Flag and abandon socialism, anarchism "and every other ism you have got into." He then created his own flag.
Ferris was not a Magonista and had done none of the fighting. He was merely an opportunist, and the Wobblies were not pleased. The ruling Junta of the PLM declared him persona non grata and had his flag burned.

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The problem with Ferris is that he exposed to the world what was wrong with this Magonista Revolution - the lack of Mexicans participating. The army that stormed Tijuana was made up largely of anglos and blacks from America, and native indians. The political leadership was totally Mexican, but it was operating mostly out of Southern California. The military leadership and most of the troops were not Mexicans. Much of the Mexican nationals, including Jesus Flores Magón, had abandoned the Magonistas to join Madero back in March when a split developed between the Anglo forces and the Mexicans. The mixed complexion of the rebel forces, combined with weak leadership, led to racial divisions that sometime ended with duels in the middle of the street.
Thus the whole operation, at least on its surface, looked suspiciously like a filibuster. When Ferris declared the "Republic of Baja California" everyone couldn't help but recognize the fact that this had been done once before in the name of imperialism - by William Walker in 1853.
The leadership, politics, and motives of this revolution were totally different from William Walker's, but it was understandable if the local Mexicans couldn't help but be skeptical when they looked around and saw all those white faces. The Diaz government successfully exploited this fact for propaganda value.

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Cap Pryce

The mostly anglo forces that took Tijuana was commanded by the Welsh soldier of fortune Cap Pryce. By June the lack of supplies was becoming critical. Pryce and other senior staff slipped over the border to San Diego to see if more supplies could be procured. After a few days they were recognized and arrested while trying to flee. They were sent to Fort Rosecrans.
"They had no money and we didn't have any ammunition and it was useless to move on to Ensenada. So when I found the jig was up, I wrote back to the boys in Tijuana and advised them to disband."
- Cap Pryce
In Pryce's place, Jack Mosby, a deserter of the Marine Corps, was elected to be the new military commander.

On June 17, the "First Division" at Mexicali surrendered to federal forces. Prisoners were murdered, sometimes after being forced to dig their own graves. The Madero forces met with Magon in Los Angeles to give him one last chance to fold his forces into the national army. He refused with the reply of "...until the land was distributed to the peasants and the instruments of production were in the hands of the workers, the liberals would never lay down their arms".

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John Mosby

On June 22, just outside of Tijuana, Mosby with an army of 155 men met an advancing federal army of 560. After a 3-hour battle, Mosby and the remnants of his army fled for the California border. They left at least 30 dead on the field of battle.
They were met at the border by the U.S. Army, who temporarily interred them. 12 of them were identified as deserters and sent to prison. Mosby was killed en route to Leavenworth, supposedly while trying to escape custody.

Epilogue

Magon and the PLM settled down in Los Angeles, but arrests and internal conflict doomed the movement. By 1917 it was all but crushed. On March 21, 1918, Ricardo Flores Magon was arrested one last time and charged with "obstructing the war effort" under the Espionage Act. He received a 21-year sentence.
His health in Leavenworth Penitentiary deteriorated, and the prison officials are suspected of purposeful neglect of his condition. On November 21, 1922, he died in his prison cell. Today, his is remembered in Mexico as a national hero, almost as beloved as Emilio Zapata. His funeral in Mexico City was attended by 10,000.

Pryce beat his charges in court and later became a Hollywood movie star playing cowboy roles.

The Wobblies in San Diego were far from defeated. They had been organizing successful strikes and agitating in San Diego since 1910. In response the San Diego Common Council banned all public speaking in a 49-square block area on January 8, 1912. This was the trigger that began a year long Free Speech fight with the Wobblies.
Wobbblies arrived from all over the state to speak on street corners, where they were arrested. Or if there were too many protestors, then firehoses would be turned on the crowds for the crime of speaking in public.
"For a full hour hundreds packed themselves in a solid mass around Mrs. Emerson as she stood upon the speakers stand. Bending themselves to the terrific torrent that poured upon them they held their ground until swept from their feet by the irresistible flood.
An old gray haired woman was knocked down by the direct force of the stream from the hose...A mother was deluged with a babe in her arms.
An awestruck American patriot wrapped himself in the flag to test its efficacy against police outrage, but he was knocked down and jailed and fined $30.00 for insulting the national emblem."
- The Oakland World, 1912
By 1912 the Wobblies were experienced in these free speech fights. The idea was to overwhelm the local court systems so that they were unable to process anything but free speech arrests. It became a war of attrition. The Wobblies suffered the jail time and beatings, while the local government spent money and time in wasteful police enforcement. Eventually the local citizens would yell "Uncle" when they got tired of spending all their tax money on these 1st Amendment arrests. Usually the Wobblies won these fights.
When the police failed to stop the disobedience in San Diego paramilitary groups were formed. Sometimes vigilantes would be waiting for them to leave prison where they were made to run through double rows of men armed with clubs, whips and guns.
Emboldened by the support and approval of some of the leading San Diego daily newspapers and its leading commercial bodies, members of the so-called vigilance committee became so reckless in their contempt of the law and for the provisions of the Constitution that, antagonized by his bold and, to them, distasteful, utterances, A. R. Sauer, editor of the SAN DIEGO HERALD, was kidnapped by the so-called vigilantes. Sauer who was on the way home from his office in the evening, before darkness really had fallen, was accosted by a number of men, placed in an auto and hurried out of town. Arrived at the outskirts, the editor was compelled to descend, followed by his captors, who placed a rope about his neck. The other end of the rope was flung over the limb of a tree, and Sauer was hauled clear of the ground. In view of which treatment he was constrained to promise that he would leave San Diego and never return. The threat was made, according to Sauer's story, that if he divulged the names of his captors he would suffer the penalty of death.
Sauer returned to San Diego, but never revealed the names of the vigilantes.
Despite the excesses of the vigilantes, there was no outcry from the middle class of San Diego.

"in this day and land of initiative, referendum and recall there is no excuse for organized disobedience and defiance of the enforcement of law."
- Superior Judge Sloane, 1912

Eventually the vigilantes won. The Free Speech movement had been crushed and the Wobblies were driven from San Diego.

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by elle | 1/27/2010 06:59:00 PM
I'm not up for many words right now. Some details, here.

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by Lisa Pease | 1/20/2010 07:05:00 PM
I'm working hard on an article re the sorry history of America's interventions in Haiti. But I felt compelled to write and share a short version as well, in limerick form.

Hang on, Haiti

America's got Haiti's back
Or so you will read on the rack
But if truth be told
The public's been rolled
America's got Haiti back

We occupied them once before
For years til 1934
We left them untethered
While bankers still feathered
Their nests off the backs of the poor

Our record's been jaded, at best
Their leaders served at our behest
We propped up their beast
And abducted their priest
While businesses paid off the rest

If none of this makes sense to you
You know what you now have to do
Just open your eyes
And your heart to great size
And let history enter through

Please learn from mistakes of the past
And from wisdom the Haitians amassed
If their truths we'd heed
They may yet succeed
And win their true freedom, at last.

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by AndrewMc | 1/18/2010 07:24:00 AM
Today is the day that the nation celebrates Martin Luther King Day. Expect to see a great number of "I Have A Dream" videos, remembrances, and musings.

The "I Have a Dream Speech" is a popular one for Americans. After all, it's safe. It expresses values with which we are comfortable--equality and fairness. [In fact, part of explaining "I Have a Dream" to schoolchildren today includes explaining the now-bizarre conditions under which it was given--segregation.]

In terms of "conservative themes," King's speech references the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Emancipation Proclamation. Its style follows, to some degree, a classic American genre--the jeremiad.

And so, people love it.

But . . .





. . . the "I Have a Dream" Speech is probably not the one for which I would memorialize MLK. In fact, "I Have a Dream" is pretty tame compared to where MLK had gone by the end of his life. When King was fighting against segregation, he was essentially fighting against something that the vast majority of non-Southern whites could see as weird. [I know, I know, I know that segregation was not just a "southern" thing--it was going on in other states. But the struggle was being played out in the south. And the south was seen by non-southerners as a backward, strange place.]

So, the fight against segregation, while incredibly difficult, was a fight against a regional problem--southern extremism.

But by 1968 MLK had begun what he called his "Poor People's Campaign," in which he was highlighting the multiracial nature of poverty in the Untied States. He began to travel across the United States, giving speeches on the nature of poverty in the United States, and on the fundamental unfairness of the American economy.

By this point, King had become quite radicalized. And here he wasn't challenging a problem confined to one part of the country.

Consider his words from the speech "A New Sense of Direction," in which he spoke to the SCLC about the next phase of the struggle, in order to prepare them for the "Poor People's Campaign." Here he talks about the causes of recent riots across the nation:

I find five basic causes of riots—the white backlash; pervasive discriminatory practices; unemployment; the war in Vietnam; and the urban problems of crime and extensive migration.


He goes on from there to explain these problems, but it should be noted that these aren't problems that can be written off as "regional" in nature. He's getting at system, national issues that struck at the heart of the American system in all forms--social, economic, racial.

To redress these issues he planned to call for massive action and change that bordered on the revolutionary:


Now this leads me to say that we must formulate a program and we must fashion the new tactics which do not count on government goodwill but instead serve to compel unwilling authorities to yield to the mandates of justice. We must demand, for instance, an emergency program to provide employment for everyone in need of a job, or, if a work program is impractical, a guaranteed annual income at levels that sustain life in decent circumstances. A second feature of our program must be the demolition of slums and rebuilding by the population that lives in them. Third, we must make a massive move toward self-determination and the shaping of our own destiny. In other words, we must get rid of the domestic colony which is the ghetto. Fourth, we must delve deeply into the political arena. Wherever possible we must elect well-qualified and committed Negro candidates, as we have in Cleveland, Gary, and in states all across the South. In Mississippi, Louisiana and Georgia we have, for the first time, Negroes in state legislatures. We've got to escalate this kind of program, and it is high time that we retire all the white racists who are in Congress. They can be retired if we vote in larger numbers.


How to do this? Mobilize willing groups of people. Who?


The largest group of young people is struggling to adapt itself to the prevailing values of our society. Without much enthusiasm they accept the system of government, the economic relationships of the property system, and the social stratifications our system engenders.

[...]

There is a second group of young people, presently small in number but dynamic and growing. They are the radicals. They range from moderate to extreme in the degree to which they want to alter the social system.

[...]

The young people in the third group are sometimes called hippies. They are struggling to disengage from society and to give expression to their rejection of it. They disavow responsibility to organize society.



In other words, MLK proposed to unite a large cross-current of American society in a struggle to essentially overturn the American system in order to redress fundamental issues of economic and social injustice. This was radical stuff.


Go to youtube, and try to find any speech by King that isn't "I Have a Dream," or his final speech. Nearly impossible. The King we want to remember is the King that secures our own conservative values.

The King I want to remember is the one who tries to move us forward to address more difficult concerns.


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by midtowng | 1/17/2010 01:11:00 AM
"You saw those cars coming, and you knew who those men were. They wanted you to see them. They wanted you to be afraid of them."
- Lillie McKoy, former mayor of Maxton talking about the KKK

By the mid-1950's the Civil Rights Movement was gaining momentum and the KKK decided they had to fight back. Their campaign of terrorism swept through many of the southern states, but largely fell flat in North Carolina.
James W. "Catfish" Cole, the Grand Dragon of the Ku Klux Klan in South Carolina, decided he was going to change that. Cole was an ordained minister of the Wayside Baptist Church in Summerfield, North Carolina, who regularly preached the Word of God on the radio. His rallies often drew as many as 15,000 people. As Cole told the newspapers: "There's about 30,000 half-breeds up in Robeson County and we are going to have some cross burnings and scare them up."

Cole made a critical mistake that couldn't be avoided by a racist mind - he was completely ignorant of the people he was about to mess with.



Dr. Perry was a black doctor in Monroe, NC, and helped finance a local chapter of the NAACP. One night at an meeting the word was received that the Klan threatened to blow up Dr. Perry's house. The meeting broke up and everyone went home to get their guns.
Sipping coffee in Perry's garage with shotguns across their laps, the men agreed that defending their families was too important to do in haphazard fashion. "We started to really getting organized and setting up, digging foxholes and started getting up ammunition and training guys," Williams recalled. "In fact, we had started building our own rifle range, and we got our own M-1's and got our own Mausers and German semi-automatic rifles, and steel helmets. We had everything."
Many of these men were veterans of the WWII who didn't scare easily. Men guarded the house in rotating shifts and the women of the NAACP set up a telephone warning system.
On October 5, 1957, Catfish Cole organized a huge Klan rally near Monroe. Afterward the decision was made to move on Dr. Perry's home.
a large, heavily armed Klan motorcade roared out to Dr. Perry's place, firing their guns at the house and howling at the top of their lungs. The hooded terrorists met a hail of disciplined gunfire from Robert Williams and his men, who fired their weapons from behind sandbag fortifications and earthen entrenchments. Shooting low, they quickly turned the Klan raid into a complete rout. "[Police Chief] Mauney wouldn't stop them," B. J. Winfield said later, "and he knew they were coming, because he was in the Klan. When we started firing, they run. We run them out and they started just crying and going on."
Amazingly no one was killed, but a number of cars were disabled. The following day the Monroe city council held an emergency meeting and passed an ordinance against Klan motorcades.

This setback was a huge embarrassment to Cole and his racist movement. He needed a weaker opponent to abuse and he needed it quick. Cole's target was a small indian tribe that was marginalized even in the indian community - the Lumbee.

The Lumbee had been fighting for official recognition since shortly after the Civil War. Through recorded history they were normally classified as "mulatto" and "free persons of color". They had always considered themselves indian, but were classified and treated as descendants of blacks. Their eyes and skin were lighter than most indians.
The State of North Carolina recognized them in 1885, but the federal government refused to recognize them as a distinct indian tribe until 1956. The Lumbee Act, which recognized their existence, specifically prohibited the tribe from receiving federal services normally provided to tribes by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The Lumbees were living alone in the margins.

On January 13, 1958, the Klan burnt a cross on the lawn of a Lumbee woman because she was living with a white man. The next day it was the lawn of a Lumbee family that had moved into a white community. As the days passed more crosses were burnt while Cole traveled around the area holding rallies and preaching against the evils of "mongrelization" and the loose morals of Lumbee women.
Pleased with the growing hatred he was feeding, he called for a massive Klan rally of 5,000 members on January 18, 1958, at Hayes Pond. The purpose was to remind indians of "their place in the racial order".
"He said that, did he?" asked Simeon Oxendine, who had flown more than thirty missions against the Germans in World War II and now headed the Lumbee chapter of the Veterans of Foreign Wars. "Well, we'll just wait and see."
"They didn't differentiate between the Indian and black population. They figured to have their usual show and go home."
- Stan Knick, director of the UNC-Pembroke Native American Resource Center

In the days leading up to the Hayes Pond rally, Cole had come through town with a loudspeaker on his flat-bed truck, preaching his vile hate for everyone to hear.
Cole wasn't actually from the county and neither were many of his followers. So it was probably a surprise to Cole when Robeson County sheriff Malcolm McLeod visited Cole in his South Carolina home and "told him that his life would be in danger if he came to Maxton and made the same speech he'd been making." Cole's reply: "It sounds like you don't know how to handle your people. We're going to come show you."

The Battle of Hayes Pond

The Fayetteville Observer had gotten word that the Lumbee were planning on attending this rally even if they weren't invited.
Reese reported that Lumbee leaders, including Neill Lowery and Sanford Locklear, had decided to run the Klan out of the county. Willie Lowery's barbershop in Pembroke become the Lumbee planning room for the upcoming battle. From there the call went out for volunteers and according to Reese, more than 1,000 Lumbees answered the call.
Another leader was Simeon Oxendine, who had been a waistgunner on a B-17 during WWII. He wasn't someone you wanted to match up against.

Cole's big rally was a flop before it even started. The local Klan members sensing the mood of the community stayed away. Instead, only 50 of his most hard-core supporters showed up to hear Cole preach against the evils of mixed marriage on the public address system he had set up on his truck. As the sun was setting they rigged up a floodlight and prepared a tall, wooden cross to burn later.
The sound of a reel-to-reel tape of "Kneel at the cross" poured into the meadow. They wore white hooded robes and carried rifles. The Lumbee, they assumed, were cowering in their homes that night.
"They were talking about blacks, using the 'n' word a lot, calling us 'half-n's'," Littleturtle said. "I think their intention was to intimidate us."
Instead of cowering, the Lumbees had assembled about a mile away. Small groups of armed Lumbee indians, about 500 in total, fanned out across the highway and began to encircle the Klansmen.
As the song finished and the rally was to begin, Sanford Locklear walked up to Cole and began arguing with him. Words became shoves and tempers rose. Neill Lowery had seen enough. He leveled his shotgun at his hip and blasted out the floodlight. The field went dark.

The Lumbees began firing into the air and yelling their warhoops as they charged the field. The nerve of the Klansmen broke and they fell into complete panic.
The Klansmen dropped their guns and scrambled for their cars. Some had brought their wives and children with them, who wailed in fear as dark-faced Lumbee milled around their cars and pointed flashlights at them.

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James Cole, the Grand Dragon himself, was in such a panic that he ran into a nearby swamp, abandoning his wife and "white womanhood" in the process. Cole's wife, Carolyn, also in a panic, drove her car into a ditch. After a few minutes several Lumbee helped push her car back onto the road.

"The only thing they left behind was their stuff and their families."
- Littleturtle

The state patrol, led by Sheriff McLeod, had set up camp about a mile away. McLeod intentionally waited until the shooting started because he didn't want to be accused of defending the Klan by showing up early. He organized his men to search the bushes for Klansmen who were hiding, and then escorted them out of the county.
Afterward the police tossed a couple tear-gas grenades into the field to disperse the crowd. The battle was over.

Four people suffered minor injuries from falling shotgun pellets. One Klansman was arrested for public drunkenness.
One Klansman cursed a Lumbee who was blocking the road. The Lumbee punched him through the open car window.

To the victors go the spoils

The victorious Lumbee had collected the robes and banners that the Klansmen had left behind. They then held their own "Klan parade" through the town of Maxton. Some rode in cars, other marched. The parade ended with a bonfire of Klan material in Pembroke. Catfish Cole was hung in effigy.
The large, captured Klan banner was taken back to the VFW convention in Charlotte, where Lumbee posed in front of it for pictures.

Newspapers praised the Lumbee and mocked the Klan. James Catfish Cole was prosecuted, convicted, and served a two-year sentence for inciting a riot.
The Klan ceased to exist in Robeson County until 1984.

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by Winter Rabbit | 1/05/2010 04:27:00 PM




http://www.indiancountrytoday.com/home/content/80058582.html

The 35-year-old chairman was camped on 7,100 acres of wind-swept, snowy land owned by Crow Creek Tribal Farms. The IRS recently seized the tract and on Dec. 3 auctioned it off for $2 million less than its $4.6 million value to pay a purported tax bill for the tribe, a separate legal entity.




Mr. President,

It is in a weary state I write this. I know you have a lot on your mind right now, so just continue reading, which I am grateful you do.




“It’s the Black Hills gold rush all over again,” said historian Waziyatawin, Ph.D., Wahpetowan Dakota from Upper Sioux and a University of Victoria research scholar. “Nowadays, the press is reporting on a green energy land rush and Department of the Interior efforts to free up millions of acres for wind and solar development. Open prairie land, such as that on Indian reservations in the Plains, is suitable for such enterprises. So the U.S. government is going after the poorest of the poor to find the resources it needs.”



Mr. President, please do something.


http://www.indiancountrytoday.com/archive/80412587.html

On Dec. 4 an action was taken against Crow Creek tribal land near my district that shook the absolute foundations of Indian law all the way back to the 1800s. Yet, few people were in the small room in Highmore, S.D. to see this monumental action and few other tribes even know it has taken place. Any tribe with land should shutter with the magnitude of what this precedent could mean for themselves or their individual tribal members.

The Internal Revenue Service collected against 7,100 acres – 11 square miles – of Indian owned land in Hyde County, S.D. This particular parcel was part of the original Crow Creek treaty boundaries, but the treaty was subsequently broken and this land was sold to LeMaster. Interestingly enough, our tribe was able to use settlement money from another federal land taking to purchase this land back in 1998.


Please.

Update





http://bsnorrell.blogspot.com/2009/12/prayer-ceremony-at-crow-creek-sioux.html
Update:

December 7, 2009

Dear Brothers and Sisters;
Recently, the IRS has seized and auctioned 7100 acres of our prime development land on the Crow Creek Reservation. We have tried to raise funds for months to save our land. Unfortunately, we were unsuccessful. We have tried to stop them from auctioning off our land through the justice system, however justice did not prevail.

It is no secret that Buffalo County is the poorest county in the nation and that 78% of the people on our reservation live far below the poverty line; this is why we are reaching out to our Native Brothers and Sisters. Only you know the importance of retaining our land base.

Recently, we were granted a trial for a judge to decide whether or not we should be allowed to keep this property, which they already sold to a non-Indian. This allows us 120 days to raise 4 million dollars to purchase our land back and clear up the levy that the IRS ($600,000) has on the property.

Any financial assistance that you could give to us would be greatly appreciated. We have set up an account at Wells Fargo in Chamberlain, South Dakota and all donations are tax deductible. The bank can be contacted at 605-734-6001 or contact Leroy Bear Thompson at 605-245-2304. Your kindness and generosity is greatly appreciated.

Contact: Wells Fargo Bank
Attn: Cindy Adams
201 S Main
Chamberlain, SD 57325
Account Name: Save CCST Lands Fund
Account Number: 9917827345
Contact: Cindy Adams 605-734-6001
Contact: Leroy Thompson, Jr. 605-245-2304 or 605-730-0091

Sincerely,
Brandon Sazue, Chairman
Crow Creek Sioux Tribe
Posted by brendanorrell@gmail.com at 9:15 PM


2nd Update:


Action Alert! Please sign online petition Crow Creek Sioux Land is NOT For Sale
Saturday, December 12, 2009, 1:35 AM




Please help spread the word about our online petition to support the Crow Creek efforts! There is NO reason why we shouldn’t have several thousand signatures before this weekend is done!

Everyone PLEASE UNITE together on this issue. This issue could set a precedence and next time it could be your lands!


Crow Creek Sioux Land is NOT For Sale
http://www.petitiononline.com/CrowCrek/petition.html

To: Bureau of Indian Affairs, President Obama, SD Governor Rounds, SD Senator Tim Johnson, SD Senator Thune,U.S. Rep. Stephanie Herseth Sandlin
On December 3, 2009 the Internal Revenue Service unlawfully auctioned off 7100 acres located on Crow Creek Sioux Tribal land.

The land is owned by Crow Creek Tribal Farms, Inc. a Tribal corporation and distinct legal entity from the Crow Creek Sioux Tribe.

According to the recent motion for temporary restraining order, filed by the Crow Creek Sioux Tribe, the IRS seized and auctioned the land to recover $3,123,789.73 dollars in unpaid employment taxes. The document states, Because of erroneous tax advice received from the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Crow Creek Sioux Tribe became delinquent in the payment of employment taxes collected by the IRS beginning in 2003. The BIA had informed the Tribe that, because it was a federally recognized Tribe, it was not necessary to pay federal employment taxes.

The Crow Creek Indian Reservation was created by the 1868 Treaty, Act of April 29, 1868, 15 Stat. 635, and by Section 6, Act of March 2, 1889, 25 Stat. 888.

The Crow Creek Sioux Reservation encompasses Buffalo County and portions of Hyde and Brule Counties . Crow Creek Sioux Tribe is consistently documented as one of the poorest Reservations in the Nation, with 78% of their members living below the poverty line.

This despicable and irreparable action from the IRS, could ultimately eliminate 20% of the Crow Creek Sioux Tribes Reservation lands.

This action taken by the IRS could ultimately set a precedence, allowing the continual land grab on Tribal Lands. We must ALL UNITE and take a stand on this issue, to voice Tribal Lands are NOT for Sale !

We the undersigned, hereby request the immediate return of the unlawfully auctioned Crow Creek Sioux Tribal Lands.
Click this link to sign the petition!

http://www.petitiononline.com/CrowCrek/petition.html


Update #3:


From dharmafarmer, thank you!



Winter Rabbit (9+ / 0-)
Kimberly Teehee, a member of the Cherokee Nation, was appointed by President Obama as Senior Policy Advisor for Native American Affairs. Could it help to contact her? I can't find an email address, but the Whitehouse switchboard number is 202-456-1414.

by dharmafarmer on Tue Jan 05, 2010 at 05:03:31 AM PST
[ Parent | Reply to This |

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by AndrewMc | 1/04/2010 05:31:00 AM
Well, it's time once again for that glorious concoction called the "Annual Meeting."

If you're headed there, drop me a line and maybe we can get together for a beer/tea/margarita/water/whatever. E-mail me through the feedback form, or through facebook, or wherever.


Meantime, what are your thoughts on the AHA Annual meeting?





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