by Gordon Taylor | 3/31/2008 01:23:00 AM
Mehmet Sahin, writing in French at the Belgian website Info-Turk.be, issues an "Urgent Appeal for Help for Kurdish Children Tortured and Imprisoned" after the recent violence. He specifically mentions, of course, the 15-year-old Cuneyt Ertus, about whom I have previously written. He says that he has been in contact with Cuneyt's father. According to Mr. Ertus, his son is still in jail, without medical care, and without access to a lawyer. Another youth has lost both eyes because of a severe skull fracture. (Full appeal posted overleaf, in French, with emphasis on important passages.)


Here is the appeal. The pertinent quote is thus:

The members of the Special Units (police) proclaim: "We break the arms of those who throw stones." The expression is that of Tansu Ciller, the ex-Prime Minister of Turkey (in the '90s): "Those hands that are raised against Turkey we will break; the tongue that speaks against us we will cut out."

Here, then, is the full text:

Appel urgent pour l'aide aux enfants kurdes torturés et emprisonnnés

La direction de la Communauté Kurde de la Bavière vient de lancer un appel urgent après la violence de l'Etat envers le peuple kurde lors des célébrations de Newroz dans le Kurdistan de Turquie:

A l´occasion de la fête de Newroz en Turquie, des nombreux enfants kurdes ont été arrêtés, maltraités, enlevés et torturés brutalement par des membres de la police et des unités turques d'opération militaire et speciale. On leur refuse un traitement medical et comme il semble aussi la défense par un avocat.

Les incidents ont été en partie filmés. Sur un video filmé par les unites d´operation speciales, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ENIwySnfNM, vous pouvez voir comment un membre d´une unité speciale en civil fracture le bras à Cuneyit Ertus qui a 15 ans.

Les membres des unites speciales crient : "Nous cassons les bras à ceux qui jettent des pierres." L'idiome est de l´ancien premier ministre turc Tansu Ciller: Les mains qui se levent contre la Turquie, nous les casseront, la langue, qui parle contre nous, nous la couperons.

Depuis l´incident survenu le 23.03.2008 à Hakkari/Yüksekova, Cuneyit Ertus est toujours emprisonné sans avoir recu de traitement medical. Personne n´a pû le voir jusqu´ici.

D´autres enfants subissent également le même sort. Une information vient d´arriver de l´association des avocats de Hakkari. Un enfant a perdu ses yeux et a subi une fracture de crâne. Il est actuellement opéré à Ankara. Nous attendons d´autres informations demain.

Il faut aider d´urgence ces enfants emprisonnés.
Veuillez transmettre l'information à vos distributeurs et nous communiquer rapidement ce qui a été entrepris.
Vous pouvez toujours nous contacter aux addresses ci-dessus.
Nous-mêmes dépendons pour le moment des publications parues dans l'Internet et des médias kurdes travaillant à l'étranger ainsi que de l´association des avocats et de IHD, organisation des droits de l´homme. Les informations sur Cuneyit Ertus sont de Roj TV, une station de télévision kurde, qui a recu l'information du père de l'enfant.

Vidéo montrant ce qui est arrive à Cüneyit Ertus :

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ENIwySnfNM
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b2JA7yy56Eg&feature=related

D´autres liens montrant la situation générale et la facon dont des enfants kurdes sont maltraités en plein rue:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pYvE7bm2cl0&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PikJpE0OH2U&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=related&v=ML_TnmyxCrc
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4SxHbFs0aao&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b2JA7yy56Eg&feature=related

Liens pour voir les rapports des droit de l'homme établi par l`IHD (organisation kurde des droits de l´homme en Turquie) en anglais: [Reports in English:]

http://www.ihd.org.tr/report/summary/2007.htm
http://www.ihd.org.tr/report/summary/January-June2007.html
http://www.ihd.org.tr/report/summary/1999_2007_comparative_balance_sheet.htm
http://www.ihd.org.tr/report/summary/2006.htm

Contact: mehmetsahin@t-online.de


This then is reality, and at last it is beginning to sink in. Turkey's bid to join the EU is as good as dead. Today the policemen strut and brag and break the arms of young boys. Anyone who speaks the truth about the Army, the police, or a long-dead leader named Ataturk, soon finds himself in court or gunned down in the street. Tomorrow, 31 March 2008, the Constitutional Court of Turkey will announce whether it intends to open a case that would lead to closure of the AKP, Turkey's duly-elected governing party. Writing in the Turkish paper Today's Zaman, Omer Taspinar of the Brookings Institute lays it all out:


Turkey is Not Ready for Europe

If you are sitting in Brussels and looking at what is going on in Turkey, it is almost unavoidable that you will reach a sad conclusion: Turkey is simply not mature enough as a democracy to qualify for EU membership. In the past, I used to think that the main challenge for Turkey was to become a "liberal" democracy. If only Ankara could shed some of its illiberal tendencies, I believed, it would prove its political credentials as a first rate democracy and deserve EU membership. Yet now I can't help but realize that the challenge for Turkish democracy is much more daunting than I thought. The issue is no longer whether Turkey can become more liberal. It is rather whether Turkey can maintain a semblance of democracy.

None of the countries in Europe's periphery have the kind of identity problems that Turkey has. Yes, it is absolutely correct to argue that if countries such as Bulgaria and Romania managed to become members of the European Union, so should Turkey. But such arguments focus on the economy and the level of social development. Turkey is certainly economically more advanced than some of the new members of the EU. But Turkey's challenge is not the economy. The real challenge for Turkey's EU membership is political. The most basic prerequisite for democratic rule is civilian supremacy over the military. No one can dispute who is in charge of Bulgarian or Romanian politics. It is the civilian government, not the Bulgarian military. The same goes for Romania. But in Turkey the answer to the question of who is in charge is much more complex. Is the civilian government really in charge of Turkey? How can we argue that it truly is, if despite having won an overwhelming electoral victory a few months ago it now faces a real risk of being shut down by the judiciary? How can Turkey prove to Europe that it is a first class democracy if the civilian government cannot be sure if it can survive this political onslaught?

Samuel Huntington called Turkey a "torn" country in his book on the clash of civilizations. Unfortunately, he was right. Turkey's identity problems are so deep and so existentialist that they constantly paralyze the political dynamics of the country. A harmonious balance between Islam, secularism and Western identity and democracy appears increasingly elusive in Turkey. To the contrary, Turkey is rapidly emerging as a country where political conflicts over Muslim and secular identity jeopardize the country's chances of staying on a Western and democratic path. We are far removed from the days when it was fashionable in Western circles to argue that Turkey was the perfect case proving the fallacy of the clash of civilizations. Instead Turkey is now a perfect case of how a country's own paradox can lead to a domestic clash of civilizations. If the current dynamics of polarization in Turkey culminate with a judicial coup against the Justice and Development Party (AKP), it will simply be impossible to argue that Turkey is a Western country and a European democracy. In other words, the EU would legitimately be able to argue that it is impossible to continue accession negotiations with a country where the civilian government is toppled by non-democratic forces. Simply put, the closure of the AKP would be the end of Turkey's EU journey.

Turkey had one major factor going in its favor during these difficult decades: the Cold War. The bipolar design of the Cold War divided the world into Eastern and Western blocs, and within this division Turkey clearly belonged to the West. As a NATO country that shared borders with the Soviet Union and tied down some 24 Russian divisions, Ankara's Western credentials went undisputed. Thorny questions concerning democratic standards, military interventions, human rights and a Muslim identity were therefore largely set aside.

This somewhat uncomplicated Western image of Turkey lasted as long as the Cold War did. To the dismay of Ankara, the Turkish bid for EU membership came under increasingly critical democratic scrutiny after the demise of the Soviet Union. There are still some people in Turkey who believe Europe should embrace Turkey despite all its political and democratic deficits, simply because of the country's geo-strategic importance as an energy corridor or a country that borders the Middle East. Such circles fail to understand that Europe is a club of liberal democracies. There are also those in Turkey who believe that Europe would never let Turkey in because of Islamophobia.

Unless Turkey becomes a liberal democracy, we will simply never know whether Europe is serious about Turkey or not. It would be very easy to adopt a narrative of victimization on grounds that Europe will always say "no" to Turkey because of its Muslim identity. But as long as Turkey gives the EU an opportunity to say "no" for political reasons, the question of Turkey's Muslim identity will remain irrelevant.

Today's Zaman 31.03.2008

Labels:

 
by Winter Rabbit | 3/30/2008 04:45:00 PM



Source

The justification for Public Law 93-531 passed by Congress in 1974 was that the Navajo-Hopi land dispute is so serious that 10,000 Navajos near Big Mountain, Arizona, must be relocated, forcibly if necessary. It would be the largest forced relocation of U.S. citizens since the relocation of Japanese-Americans during World War II.

But tradition-minded Navajo and Hopi claim there never was a land dispute. They say the dispute was invented to get the Navajos and their livestock off mineral-rich land in the Hopi reservation so it could be developed by mining companies such as Peabody Coal and Kerr-McGee.


This should cost McCain any possibility of him ever being the next president of the United States, period.




The ACSA challenges Senator McCain on his legislative history of Human Rights Violations: "a Skeleton in his closet: UNFIT to hold public office!"


A public research website: http://www.cain2008.org has brought together diverse historical elements of factual proof that Senator John McCain's was the key "point man" introducing, enacting and enforcing law that removed Dineh-Navajo Families from their reservation on the Black Mesa in Arizona. The McCain revised law relocated them to Church's Hill, Nevada (a Nuclear Waste Superfund Site, called "the New Lands" in PL 93-531). The Dineh-Navajo, a deeply spiritual and peaceful people, engaged in only peaceful resistance to being moved off lands they'd owned since 1500 A.D. Nonetheless, the Public Press and UN depicted brutalization, rights deprivation and forcible relocation.

- snip -

Senator McCain and his predecessors introduced legislation (S1973-1 and S.1003) which they claimed were justified by what has turned out to be a non-existent range war between the Dineh (mainly consisting of grandfathers and grandmothers in their 70's living on farmlands that had belonged to their tribe since 1500 AD) and the Hopi (the 3-5 individuals rapidly assembled to assist Peabody Western Group by Senator McCain, Congressman Owens and John Boyden).

Subsequently, as the Dineh were removed from their farms by the "Relocation Commission" authorized by the US Senate at the behest of the revisions to the Public Law 93-531 introduced as S.1973-1 (1996 Partition) and S.1003 (2001 and 2005 accelerated removal of the Dineh by amendment) by Senator McCain, expanded Coal Mining Rights to their lands were granted to Peabody Western who with Bechtel Corp, have been mining the lands formerly occupied by the Dineh, and piping the coal to the Mohave Generating Station in Nevada, which serves the Las Vegas and Reno areas power needs.


He made a bogus claim that the Navajo and the Hopi were having land disputes, when the truth was, they weren’t. So what was the real intention? It must have been to steal their land and give it “to the coal companies without making any provisions to protect the burial or sacred sites,” because that’s exactly what happened.




Source

The Dineh (otherwise known as Navajo) were stripped of all land title and forced to relocate. Their land was turned over to the coal companies without making any provisions to protect the burial or sacred sites that would be destroyed by the mines. People whose lives were based in their deep spiritual and life-giving relationship with the land were relocated into cities, often without compensation, forbidden to return to the land that their families had occupied for generations. People became homeless with significant increases in alcoholism, suicide, family break up, emotional abuse and death.

- snip -

"I feel that in relocating these elderly people, we are as bad as the Nazis that ran the concentration camps in World War II."

-- Roger Lewis, federally appointed Relocation Commissioner upon resignation

"I believe that the forced relocation of Navajo and Hopi people that followed from the passage in 1974 of Public Law 93-531 is a major violation of these people's human rights. Indeed this forced relocation of over 12,000 Native Americans is one of the worst cases of involuntary community resettlement that I have studied throughout the world over the past 40 years."

-- Thayer Scudder, Professor of Anthropology, California Institute of Technology in a letter to Mr. Abdelfattah Amor, UN Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance


That is exactly.

What.

Happened, along with forcibly relocating the elderly and being what Scudder called “one of the worst cases of involuntary community resettlement that I have studied throughout the world over the past 40 years" and what Wager called, “the largest forced relocation of U.S. citizens since the relocation of Japanese-Americans during World War II.”

I thought the days of Indian Agents deceptively crafting words to steal land and resulting in forced relocation were long gone, but now there’s a republican presidential candidate running sliming for the highest office in the land,

McCain & Bush

who’s done just that. McCain introduced legislation (S1973-1 and S.1003) and claimed that legislation was justified by a non-existent range war between the Dineh and the Hopi.


(emphasis mine)

Source

James McLaughlin served under 12 U.S. presidents as an American Indian agent on the Standing Rock Reservation. He wrote an official government report covering the death of Sitting Bull at a camp near the reservation.

- snip -

Sitting Bull regarded McLaughlin as an evil enemy of all American Indians.




Well, I want a president - not an Indian Agent.





Source

John McCain's political history is loaded with abuse of his position concerning lobbyists. Since posting actual links is against HuffPo policy, do the simple research yourself.

Look into the forcible removal of the Dineh tribes, known as the Navajo, in Arizona. Follow his ties to Atty John Boyden and the Peabody Western Group (nka Peabody Energy) and their advantages gained from McCain's legislation S1973-1 and S1003. He pushed Atty Gen Reno in forcing them off their treaty lands and onto
a nuclear waste site (Church Hill, Nevada) through the "Relocation Commission" Look up PL 93-531. Genocide for the expansion of mining rights. Follow the money that supported his political career from the energy elites that own the Mohave Generating Station in Nevada. John McCain is a corrupt politician and the evidence is there to prove it. posted 02/21/2008 at 11:28:47

John McCain "knows what's best for America", and that's Straight Talk, my friends....unless of course you're a Native American.


Labels:

 
by Gordon Taylor | 3/30/2008 02:15:00 AM
About suffering they were never wrong,
The Old Masters: how well they understood
Its human position; how it takes place
While someone else is eating or opening a window or
just walking dully along;

~W.H.A., "Musee des Beaux Arts"

Once again, my apologies. You probably didn't enjoy your first "Day at the Office," and now here I am putting you through another. Never fear. I will be as gentle as possible. No self-righteous rhetoric. And no photos--links only. This isn't because I want to shield anyone else from unpleasantness. It's because I want to shield myself. I simply do not enjoy the sight of naked human suffering, especially that of a child, and I couldn't stand having the photographs in front of me as I wrote the piece.

And in spite of my revulsion, this will be a composed--though short--piece. For there is a lot for an historian to glean from this incident, concerning both the past and a very instructive present.



First, the incident itself. It evidently happened on March 22, the day after the equinox, when Newroz (New Year) would have been in full swing in all Kurdish cities. In Hakkari, a mountain town near the Iraqi and Iranian borders, the Turkish governor had banned celebrations. They happened anyway, and when the police attacked, violence ensued. As expected, there were plenty of Kurds on hand to voice their support for the PKK, which has been fighting against the Turkish government for about 25 years.

The first photograph tells you the facts. Note especially the satisfied look on the face of the Meatman [my own coinage, based on the Turkish MIT, or National Intelligence Organization, for whom he probably works]. This follows his previous expression, in the third of the series of photos I published yesterday, in which he looked like a man straining at the reluctant lid of a pickle jar. The second photo is the boy himself. His name is Cuneyt Ertuş (joo-nate air-toosh), and he is 15 years old. By God I hope he survives this and regains the use of his right arm. But as far as I can tell he is still in jail, and there's no telling what--if any--medical care he is getting. The incident took place right in front of representatives of the press (whether pro or amateur we can't tell), and both still photos and video have been published from several angles. Cuneyt may have been throwing rocks, or he may have just been in the wrong place at the wrong time. Nothing justifies what you see. He was taken in on a charge of "resisting an officer of the State," and no word was given about his medical treatment or the charges to either his family or to attorneys.

Cuneyt's father related his own story to DIHA, the Dicle Haber Ajansi (Tigris News Agency), a pro-Kurdish outlet which publishes in Turkish from Europe. Zubeyir Ertuş told DIHA that his son went on a shopping trip to the center of Hakkari (formerly Julamerk, or Colemerg), the capital city of Hakkari province, on March 22. After the events of that day he didn't hear from his son, and he thought that Cuneyt had been detained. "At last," he said, after two days of searching, "I found him on Roj-TV." If only he hadn't. Zubeyir: "The police were breaking my son's arm right in front of the representatives of the press. I looked away in horror. I didn't want to believe my eyes."

It's a wonder that he saw anything. For Roj-TV is not a Turkish channel. It is not an Iraqi channel. And it certainly is not Syrian or Iranian, two other dictatorships with sizable Kurdish minorities. Roj-TV is a Kurdish-owned satellite channel that broadcasts out of Denmark, and the Kurds of Turkey use satellite dishes in order to get it. During this year's Newroz festivities in Diyarbakir (permitted by the State), Roj-TV managed to broadcast the whole thing live--a first. This under the noses of the Turkish government, which is trying to shut them down. So far the Danish government has resisted. The Turks claim that Roj-TV is a terrorist organization. (But of course they do. If the Turks got a sunburn, they'd claim that ultraviolet rays were part of a terrorist plot.) The Danes have asked the Turkish government for more information, and in the meantime several Kurdish websites are gathering signatures to urge the Danish government to do the right thing. But if they don't, the Kurds will simply go elsewhere.

In the meantime, we have Zubeyir Ertuş and his son Cuneyt, who because of a satellite channel and the sharing of photos on the Internet, are suddenly not alone. In a past posting about the Turks' recent invasion of northern Iraq, I talked about another pro-PKK news outlet, Firat News, and the dozens of reports that they constantly get in detailing the movements of Turkish government forces. Here we see the same thing, as the Kurds have constructed their own "virtual Kurdistan" from the reports, videos, and digital photos of their own people.

Not that the father and son would really have been alone. For the family's surname, Ertuş, indicates a very strong attachment to the local population. It is a tribal name; in fact, it is the name of what was traditionally the biggest tribe in the Hakkari region and beyond. In old travel books about Kurdistan it is variously spelled: Ertoush, Hartoushi, Ertushi, etc. When Asahel Grant, M.D., of Utica and Waterville, NY, arrived in Julamerk in 1839, it was these same Ertushi Kurds and their emir, Nurullah, that he dealt with. The story remains unfinished. In the cities of Turkey's southeast, hundreds are wounded, or in jail, or both. Cuneyt's father, meanwhile, says, "My economic situation is not good. But I'm going to the bar association and I'm going to find a lawyer."


Labels: , , , , ,

 
by Lisa Pease | 3/30/2008 01:23:00 AM
I cringe whenever I hear progressives ding Kennedy's foreign policy record, as I did today. They do so out of an ignorance not of their own making, but of one studiously foisted upon them.

It is important to remember, especially with President John Kennedy, that history is written by the victor. Kennedy wasn't just killed once. He was killed posthumously so that all he was trying to do, and stood for, would be washed away. By making him less than who he was, his assassination would seem less necessary. By painting him as a rabid cold warrior, no one would suspect cold warriors of having killed him.

Sadly, a whole set of generations are now growing up with false history about John Kennedy (and Bobby, albeit less so). I felt the need to correct a bit of that record.

Kennedy was inaugurated three days after Lumumba was killed in the Congo. Kennedy was known to be a supporter of Lumumba, and was devastated when he learned of his assassination.

As Gerard Colby so brilliantly noted in "Thy Will Be Done":

Within a month of Kennedy's election, some of Nelson [Rockefeller]'s closest allies ... were meeting in the White House's Cabinet Room or heading key offices in the new administration. Swiftly and quietly, they began implementing many of the changes in government structure and policy that Nelson advocated.

This secret victory [for Rockefeller] was the outcome of Kennedy's inexperience. Kennedy had spent the past five years running for office. He knew politicians, but not men who could run the government of a world power.
Kennedy turned to Robert Lovett, a former Truman administration veteran. Lovett was also a trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation.

So right from the start, without realizing it, Kennedy had brought the empire builders right into the top places in his administration. He'd be fighting them for the rest of his short term.

In his second full month in office, he ended support for the anti-communist dictator in Laos that the CIA-Pentagon forces had installed during Eisenhower's term. Kennedy said at a news conference that the US "strongly and unreservedly" supported a goal of a "neutral and independent Laos."

He inherited an already-in-motion operation in the Bay of Pigs when he stepped into the White House. In April, he gave a green light based strictly on the information the CIA had provided, which was that the CIA was simply supporting a native revolution, and was going to offer limited support.

That wasn't true, but Kennedy didn't know then that the CIA would deliberately mislead a president. During the mission, the CIA and Navy pressured Kennedy hard to send in the Marines, stationed offshore, in a full-scale invasion. Kennedy resisted, angering the forces hell-bent on overthrowing Castro.

When Kennedy saw the mission was not going as planned, the CIA figured he would not opt to lose, but would throw more forces at it for victory. But they guessed wrong. Kennedy took the hit, and then forced Allen Dulles, the Godfather of the CIA, from the Agency. Many in the Agency hated Kennedy from that point forward, and the feeling was mutual.

That's when Kennedy made the famous vow to splinter the CIA into 1000 pieces and scatter it to winds. He explicitly set up the Defense Intelligence Agency to corral the CIA's covert operations under strict military control. The DIA opened October 1, 1961, a move which made CIA operatives' blood boil even further.

In July of 1961, Allen Dulles and the Joint Chiefs of Staff present Kennedy with a preemptive nuclear strike plan to be launched against the USSR in late 1963, to be preceded by a period of escalating (and manufactured) events. Kennedy walks out, saying to Dean Rusk, "and they call us the human race."

In September of 1961, Khrushchev initiates a backchannel correspondence with Kennedy. He slips a letter into a newspaper carried to a Kennedy aide. Kennedy writes back. They agree to disagree on many things, but both agree keeping the forces surrounding them from launching a nuclear weapon is of paramount concern. Publicly, Khrushchev shakes a fist at Kennedy, refusing nuclear disarmament.

In October, Khrushchev escalates the Cold War by erecting the Berlin Wall.

In November of 1961, Kennedy resists pressure from the Joint Chiefs to send combat troops to Vietnam. Under intense pressure, he compromises - allows military advisors and support personnel.

Also in November, Kennedy authorizes "Operation Mongoose," which did not include plans to kill Castro. (The CIA, by their own admission in their IG report, kept the Castro plots from Kennedy.) Mongoose was designed to "help Cuba overthrow Castro" - meaning, aid them in a native revolution, the same thing Kennedy thought he was authorizing with the Bay of Pigs. But this time, he appointed an Army man, General Ed Lansdale, to keep the CIA in check. Kennedy would later say he wasted his brother in the AG position, and should have given him control over the CIA.

Also in 1961, Kennedy reaches out to Sukarno in Indonesia. His nationalism leans in a communist direction. Under the Eisenhower administration, the CIA tried to kill Sukarno. But Kennedy wanted to work with him, and to offer him not arms, but aid of a more productive kind. He appointed a team of economic advisors to study the problem.

Meanwhile, Indonesia was having a crisis in what is now called West Papua, but then called West Irian or Irian Jaya. This site contained a mountain so rich in ore it was called "Copper Mountain". The mountain is long gone, but the area is now home to the world's largest gold mine (operated by Freeport McMoRan).

The Dutch had conceded their entire former colony of Indonesia independence except this region of riches. And Sukarno wanted to keep Indonesia whole. The US, allies to both, was caught in the middle. Kennedy asked Ellsworth Bunker to broker an agreement, which led to a promise of West Irian independence. To soothe Sukarno, Kennedy issued a national security memorandum in which he included these instructions:

To seize this opportunity, will all agencies concerned please review their programs for Indonesia and assess what further measures might be useful. I have in mind the possibility of expanded civic action, military aid, and economic stabilization and development programs as well as diplomatic initiatives.
Where the Cold Warriors tried to destroy Sukarno, Kennedy tried to help him. Sukarno was particularly affected when Kennedy was killed. Separately, the Rockefellers were involved in Freeport McMoRan's predecessor, Freeport Sculpture in Indonesia, which benefited when a coup overthrew Sukarno and brought Suharto to power. (For the tangled story there - see JFK, Indonesia, CIA and Freeport Sulphur.)

Meanwhile, back in the states, on April 11, 1962, Kennedy took on the steel industry with words stronger than anything John Edwards ever said:

Simultaneous and identical actions of United States Steel and other leading steal corporations increasing steel prices by some $6 a ton constitute a wholly unjustifiable and irresponsible defiance of the public interest. In this serious hour in our Nation's history when we are confronted with grave crises in Berlin and Southeast Asia, when we are devoting our energies to economic recovery and stability, when we are asking reservists to leave their homes and their families for months on end and servicemen to risk their lives--and four were killed in the last two days in Viet Nam and asking union members to hold down their wage requests at a time when restraint and sacrifice are being asked of every citizen, the American people will find it hard, as I do, to accept a situation in which a tiny handful of steel executives whose pursuit of private power and profit exceeds their sense of public responsibility can show such utter contempt for the interests of 185 million Americans.
In May of 1962, Kennedy instructed McNamara to find a way out of Vietnam. McNamara turned to General Paul Harkins and ordered him to "devise a plan for turning full responsibility over to South Vietnam and reducing the size of our military command, and to submit this plan at the next conference." Harkins ignored this order, but McNamara wouldn't learn this for several months.

In July of 1962, the US becomes one of fourteen nations signing the "Declaration on the Neutrality of Laos" in Geneva. The CIA and Pentagon see this as treason, capitulation to the communists.

I could go on all night, but I won't. I'll summarize with a quote from Don Gibson's book "Battling Wall Street":

When Kennedy went against his advisors on foreign policy, it was because he rejected the idea that the US had a right to control economic and political event sin other nations. In quite sharp contrast to his strong military stand against the powerful Soviet Union, Kennedy was reluctant to employ military force against smaller and weaker nations. This reluctance was completely consistent with his comments in 1959 ... where he rejected "the pageantry of imperialism."

Chester Bowles cited the following decisions made by Kennedy against a majority of his advisors: refusing to invade Cuba during the Bay of Pigs disaster; refusing to intervene in the Dominican Republic following the assassination of Trujillo; refusing to introduce ground forces into Laos; refusing to escalate our involvement in Vietnam; backing U.N. policy in the Congo, and backing India in a dispute with China and Pakistan. In making these decisions, Kennedy was repeatedly affirming his idea of a US foreign policy against those who either shared the neo-colonialist attitudes of various economic interests in Europe and the US or viewed all interests of the Third World nations as unimportant compared to the ongoing conflict with communism.

Considering the multitude of factors involved in any significant foreign policy decision, it is reasonable to conclude that consistency across a series of such decisions indicates underlying principles.
On June 10 in the last year of his life, Kennedy spoke these words:

I have, therefore, chosen this time and place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth too rarely perceived. And that is the most important topic on earth: peace. What kind of peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children -- not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time.
Show me a better foreign policy than that.

Labels:

 
by Unknown | 3/29/2008 12:08:00 AM
So I was watching this Green Party debate from back in January (yes, that is what I do for fun these days), and about 39:00 in I heard GP frontrunner and former Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney say the following:

I'm reminded of the story that's told by Jim DiEugenio in The Assassinations about Malcolm X. On the day that Malcolm X was murdered, he received a phone call from, perhaps, FBI agents, because it was no secret that the United States government wanted him dead. He received a phone call, and that call said, "Today is the day." Now, Malcolm X could have told his wife, pack the children, we're gonna go away. But Malcolm X kept his date at the Audobon Ballroom; he told his wife, pack the children, I want them there.


The interesting part, of course, is the book McKinney references, The Assassinations: Probe Magazine on JFK, RFK, MLK, and Malcolm X, which was edited by James DiEugenio and -- yes -- my co-blogger, Lisa Pease. Congratulations to Lisa, who's the first acquaintance of mine ever to have her book mentioned by a Presidential candidate in a debate.

Via Ari Kelman, a YouTube video of the remarkable, mercurial James Baldwin, one of the great novelists of the twentieth century. Baldwin's idiosyncratic manner and searching insights on race make this well worth watching.

Great videos of presentations at the OAH from Rick Shenkman. (H/t Ralph Luker.)

What's on your mind?

Labels:

 
by Gordon Taylor | 3/28/2008 11:05:00 AM
This post won't be a lot of fun. I apologize for that, and I apologize for the photograph which is visible when you click through to the rest of the story. There's no blood; rest assured that I haven't splashed gore across the pages of PH. However, it is disturbing. It's what we can call "a day at the office" for the hard-working men of MIT (pron. Meat), or Milli Istihbarat Teskilati: the National Intelligence Organization of Turkey. To see the video from which the overleaf pictures were taken, go to: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ENIwySnfNM
For the ultimate heartbreak, to see the face of the boy himself, go to Mizgin's blog.


Photobucket

OK, here we are. I got this on the front page of Yeni Ozgur Politika, a left-wing Turkish- and Kurdish-language paper that is based in Europe. The headline says, "Adini Siz Koyun!" which means, by my translation, "You name him!" In other words, they want to know the name of this policeman, and his companions. On the actual front page of the paper, larger images of the three policemen's faces were posted.

These frames are from video taken on the streets of Hakkari, capital of the province of the same name, in southeast Turkey, during the recent Newroz (New Year) demonstrations. Obviously they turned ugly. If you look in the background, especially of picture #4, you can see in the distance the rocky, snowclad slopes of Sumbul (Hyacinth) Mountain, whose 12,000-foot summit towers over the town. But of course, you're not looking at the mountain, you're looking at a plainclothesman from the Turkish secret police giving us a demonstration of how to break a 15-year-old boy's arm. Let's not dwell on it. Every once in a while historians must confront everyday reality, and this is it. I am not one to use red-flag words idly; in fact, I despise the debasement of language that results when pejorative labels are endlessly purveyed in contexts that do not warrant them. This, however, is a case where the "F" word is fully justified. This is fascist thuggery, pure and simple.

For a more complete rundown on recent events, see the following article from the Eurasia Daily Monitor, a feature of the Jamestown Foundation's website:


KURDISH DEMONSTRATORS CLASH WITH TURKISH SECURITY FORCES DURING NEWROZ

By Gareth Jenkins

Tuesday, March 25, 2008


Over a period of four days from March 21-24, two people were killed and several hundred injured in clashes with Turkish security forces, as hundreds of thousands of Kurds took the streets to celebrate the Kurdish New Year of Newroz. No reliable figures are available for the number of demonstrators detained by the security forces, although Turkish media reports suggest that several hundred were taken into custody (Hurriyet, Radikal, Cumhuriyet, Milliyet, Yeni Safak, NTV, CNNTurk, March 22-24).

Newroz is not an exclusively Kurdish holiday. It is celebrated on March 21 each year from the Balkans through the Caucasus and Iran and across Asia into northern China. However, during the late 1980s and early 1990s, Newroz celebrations were banned in Turkey on the grounds that they encouraged Kurdish separatism. Attempts to mark the holiday were broken up, usually violently, by the security forces. In 1992 over 60 people were believed to have died in clashes with the Turkish security forces during Newroz celebrations.

The situation changed in 1995 when the Turkish authorities decided to rediscover Newroz as “Nevruz,” an authentically Turkish spring holiday with its origins in Central Asia. Although Kurds continued to be prosecuted if they referred to it as Newroz rather than by its Turkish name, the authorities not only began to allow celebrations, but state officials joined in the traditional Newroz ritual of jumping over a fire to symbolize rebirth and renewal.

Initially, the strategy of appropriating Newroz appeared to have worked. During the late 1990s, most of the celebrations passed peacefully, and killings and arrests became relatively rare. However, the newly rediscovered festival of Nevruz failed to capture the imagination of most ethnic Turks, who still regarded it as essentially a Kurdish celebration. In recent years, violence at Newroz celebrations has begun to rise again. The main reason is that participants have increasingly begun to use the festival not just as a public demonstration of their Kurdishness but of their support for the PKK. There is also little doubt that the opportunity has been deliberately exploited by the PKK itself, for whom newspaper photographs and television footage of defenseless demonstrators being beaten and sometimes killed by the Turkish security forces are a propaganda gift.

Significantly, the worst of the recent clashes – and both of the deaths – occurred in southeast Turkey in cities such as Van, Yuksekova, and Hakkari, which have long been hotbeds of PKK support and where the authorities banned any Newroz celebrations this year for fear that they would be hijacked by the organization. But demonstrators gathered anyway, chanting pro-PKK slogans, waving PKK flags and holding posters of the organization’s imprisoned leader Abdullah Ocalan. The result was several days of rioting. In Hakkari, life virtually ground to a halt. Stores remained closed and shuttered for three days as the streets became a battleground between stone-throwing youths and members of the security forces (Radikal, Hurriyet, Milliyet, Zaman, March 22-24).

But there were also clashes at Newroz celebrations between PKK supporters and the security forces in the cities of western Turkey, which all now have their own substantial Kurdish populations as the result of migration from southeast Turkey. In Istanbul, which in terms of sheer numbers is now the largest Kurdish city in the world with perhaps up to 4 million ethnic Kurds among its total population of 14 million, more than 100,000 Kurds gathered in the Kazlicesme neighborhood, some of them chanting pro-PKK slogans and carrying banners with portraits of Ocalan (Milliyet, Hurriyet, Radikal, NTV, Dogan Haber Ajansi, March 24).

The Turkish authorities took the opportunity of the Newroz demonstrations to flex their ideological as well as their military muscle. Both in the southeast and in Istanbul, where 10,000 police were assigned to the Kazlicesme demonstration alone, members of the Turkish security forces marched through the streets chanting slogans such as: “Everything for the motherland”; “How happy is the one who says I am a Turk”; “Every Turk is born a soldier”; and, in a reference to Kurdish demands for education in their native language, “One state, one language.”

It is currently unclear whether such attempts at intimidation will do anything either to reduce support for the PKK or to defuse Kurdish demands for greater political and cultural rights. But Turkish television footage of young, male demonstrators clashing with the security forces at Newroz coincided with the publication of a study by the state-owned Turkish Statistical Institute (Turkstat) on the median age of the Turkish population by geographical region. The results suggested that the median age of the Turkish population rises steeply as one moves from the east to the west of the country. Turkstat reported that, in the predominantly Kurdish provinces of southeastern Turkey, the median age was in the range 17.4 to 21 years, rising to 31.8-35.4 years along the Turkish Aegean coast. The median age in Istanbul was in the range 28.3-31.8 (Radikal, March 23).

The southeast of Turkey has also long been the most underdeveloped region of the country. In some provinces, per capita income is less than 20% of the national average. In many of the cities of southeast Turkey the unemployment rate among young people often reaches 50-60% (see EDM, March 18). As has been once again demonstrated by the clashes during Newroz, the combination of ethnic unrest, poverty, a young population, and a high rate of unemployment is rarely a recipe for social stability.
Amen to that. I would only add: more employment won't really matter. You aren't going to quash this kind of violence with more jobs, more cars, and more cell phones. And you certainly aren't going to do it by breaking the arms of teenagers. I'll let these ladies have the final say:

Photobucket

The message is simple. They're saying, "It is enough."

Labels: , , , , ,

 
by Unknown | 3/28/2008 02:30:00 AM
Andrew J. Bacevich is a professor of international relations and history at Boston University. Bacevich spoke at IU on Wednesday on the topic of "U.S. Foreign Policy After Iraq." Thursday morning, I had the privilege of having breakfast with Bacevich and a group of my fellow grad students.

Bacevich has written several books on U.S. military policy, but he's best known for his numerous articles and op-eds advocating for conservative militarism while denouncing the Iraq war as wrongheaded and pointless. Most recently, Bacevich endorsed Obama, and in the American Conservative, no less, which took a lot of guts (h/t Ralph Luker). Unfortunately, I didn't get to ask him about that.

Generally, one doesn't think of columnists as being engaging speakers, so I was pleasantly surprised when Bacevich proved the exception to the rule. He held forth for about forty-five minutes before a crowd of about 200 people, packed into a room that seated about 75. Bacevich's main argument was that in the aftermath of 9/11, the administration had developed what he termed the "freedom agenda," which rested on three assumptions: that American military power was invincible, that the greater Middle East was ripe for transformation, and that it was possible for Americans to instill democracy in the region at a minimal cost. Subsequent events, of course, have proved all three of these assumptions wrong. Today, Bacevich argued, America's military and foreign policy strategy has failed -- and worse, the Bush Administration has no comprehensive, moral strategy to replace it.



Bacevich then proceeded to enumerate the strategy he feels the US should follow in the immediate future. Unfortunately, I didn't write down all of the five points he made, but they included things like using force as a last resort, drawing down our military involvement in Iraq, and reinvigorating our use of diplomacy. (Overall, his recommendations were slightly less conventional then I've just made them sound, only I can't remember the details of the less-conventional recommendations. Sorry, security buffs -- I'll bring a pen and paper next time.)

After his talk was finished, Bacevich entertained questions from the audience for about thirty minutes. Two responses were particularly notable. In response to a question regarding America's moral obligation to the Iraqis we've displaced, Bacevich grew heated and stated that the only way to truly fulfill this obligation was to bring the roughly two million displaced Iraqis to the US as refugees, or at least to finance their rebuilding efforts much more than we are now. Since Americans aren't willing to do that, Bacevich spluttered, they shouldn't put the burden of that obligation of the troops who can't do anything for those people and are dying anyway. (Presumably the question raised the specter of Bacevich's son, who was killed in action last May.) Another questioner, an elderly professor of Arabic who's been teaching at IU for over forty years, movingly lamented that Bacevich hadn't mentioned the role of American cultural hegemony in failing to understand the underlying motivations of radical Islamists. Bacevich's reply was surprisingly curt and can best be summed up as: yes, Americans are narrow-minded and parochial; no, we can't change that, so we should just deal with it.

Owing to a location mix-up, I arrived late at the breakfast Thursday morning, and apparently missed a rather heated exchange between Bacevich and another grad student, who is a strong pacifist. The student had arrived early to reiterate the Arabic professor's concerns about Bacevich's deemphasis on cultural causes of the current conflict, and Bacevich seemed to be unmoved by her comments, as he poked fun at her beliefs at regular intervals throughout the rest of the breakfast. By the time I arrived, Bacevich was on to his next topic, a passionate ode to Berlin which he delivered to the two German students in the room. Eventually, this topic subsided as well, and I got to ask Bacevich a few questions.

My first question considered Bacevich's critique of Wilsonianism -- he'd called President Bush a "born-again Wilsonian" in his speech. Longtime readers are aware of my rather quixotic revisionist views on Woodrow Wilson and my insistence that Bush's foreign policy is aggressively anti-Wilsonian. To his great credit, Bacevich let me say my piece before vehemently disagreeing with me (which I certainly expected). The gist of his argument was that Bush has articulated moral principles no less ringing and coherent than did Wilson; specifically, he pointed me to this speech as an example.

My second question concerned Bacevich's prolific op-ed writings, or what he termed "ephemera." I told him I admired his productivity in that regard (which I do) and asked him how he balances ephemera, scholarly works, and a personal life. His basic answer was that he doesn't, and that it's not possible to do all these things well at the same time. Bacevich said he could write so many op-eds only because his kids were grown and gone and because his books are not very scholarly in nature -- i.e., they don't involve much research.

My final question elicited perhaps the most interesting, and surprising, respnonse. At ZenPundit's request, I asked Bacevich what he thought our future defense spending priorities should be. His response was that we should focus on beefing up our navy, and secondarily on maintaining our air superiority, while cutting budgets for the army and marines. For those of you who read this blog, that's suggesting a combined 2GW/3GW force to meet a 4GW threat -- a clear no-no in strategic theory. When one of my fellow grad students pressed Bacevich on the navy question, he admitted to being a Mahanian and said we needed a strong navy to deter pirates!

Like most people, Professor Bacevich is a mixed bag. Notwithstanding his somewhat quizzical fear of pirates and his brushoff treatment of my pacifist colleague, I found Bacevich to be an engaging and intelligent speaker with a lot to say on our current state of affairs in the Middle East. He was nothing but kind and considerate to me, and I learned a lot from my exposure to him.

Labels:

 
by Unknown | 3/26/2008 03:29:00 PM
Since GG likes short blog posts, I'll keep this to one sentence: somebody's written one of my books.

Labels:

 
by Unknown | 3/26/2008 12:15:00 PM
Since Barack Obama's called for "a national conversation on race," I figured I'd continue that conversation by addressing the awesome Melissa Harris-Lacewell's experience last week on "Real Time with Bill Maher." Melissa addresses the controversy here. Here's the gist of what happened, in her words:

When I challenged this assertion, [Democratic Rep. Barney] Frank said, “Excuse me for not saying that everything is terrible.” My response was, “Hey, I am a tenured professor at Princeton. I know that things are OK.”


For this, she has been "absolutely flooded" with hate mail. Seriously. Some of it can be found in the comments section of that thread. If you're curious about the context, you can watch the video here at about 6:30 in; it happened just about how Melissa described it.



Melissa's comment does not, I think, need much explanation. She's new to the talk-show format (and does brilliantly in more oratorical formats, such as NPR interviews and formal debates) and was rattled when a powerful sitting Congressman accused her of being a knee-jerk cynic. Anyone with half a brain would realize this before firing off hateful e-mails to her.

But the fact that people didn't raises important questions of its own. Loath as I am to attribute such reactions to race, I'm forced to agree with Melissa's own analysis:

I am convinced that many viewers are particularly irritated with me because they responded to me as “uppity”. Uppity black folks are those of us who don’t know our place and don’t defer sufficiently to our betters.

One viewer was so livid with my statement that he emailed the show’s producers and asserted “she is not tenured.” It was simply impossible for him to accept that it was true.

This feels like precisely the kind of racial misunderstanding that Obama reminded us continues to mark interracial discourse in America. I was angry. The viewers are resentful. Over all the noise we find it hard to hear each other.


Melissa Harris-Lacewell is one of my heroes. At thirty-five years old, she is a tenured professor of political science at Princeton, a major media figure, and has a position with the Obama campaign. She is also one of the most intelligent and eloquent individuals I have ever had the pleasure to observe. To achieve all this as a black woman in today's society only serves to underscore how impressive she is. What simply astounds me is that anyone could be jealous of her success, either as an African-American or a high-level academic. Try as I might, I won't be anywhere near where as she is when I'm thirty-five, and I'd have a much easier time getting there than she has. The fact that anyone would look at her achievements and her shining self and react only with hate is just another of the terrible consequences of racism that Obama has so deftly brought to the fore of our national consciousness.

Labels:

 
by Lisa Pease | 3/26/2008 12:06:00 PM
[Crossposted from my Real History Blog]

I woke to find to my astonishment coverage of new evidence in the RFK case on MSNBC this morning. The MSNBC coverage was cursory, so allow me to fill in the bigger picture here.

I was the first person to make public the fact that a new audiotape had surfaced in this case when I testifed to the Los Angeles Unified School District at a hearing regarding the tearing down of the Ambassador Hotel. I begged them not to do that, in light of this new tape. I brought with me statements of support from nearly 40 people from multiple countries begging the LAUSD not to destroy the hotel. Sadly, this pitted me against Max Kennedy, one of the many sons of Robert Kennedy, as he and the family thought RFK would be better served by the building of a school on that lot.

A newsman at a mainstream media organization who has a personal fascination with the case first alerted me to this tape, and I confirmed with Phil Melanson that indeed, such a tape was a completely new find. It had languished unheard in the California State Archives, which houses the evidence the Los Angeles Police Department collected during their "Special Unit Senator" investigation of the Robert Kennedy case. A freelance reporter named Stanislaw Pruszynski had accidentally left his audio recorder on after Robert Kennedy finished his acceptance speech, having just won the California primary. Pruszynski followed Kennedy into the pantry while his recorder was still running.




Phillip Van Praag, a man with over 35 years of forensic experience analyzing magnetic media and over 45 years in the audio field, got a copy of this tape and studied it. He concluded that at least 13 shots appear on the tape, which would, of course, prove that at least two guns were fired in the pantry, since Sirhan's gun could hold, at most, eight bullets.

Separately, Robert Joling, a lawyer and former President of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences, had also come to a conclusion, through his analysis of the physical evidence in the case, that the truth is not as has been presented. While neither would welcome the label of conspiracy advocate, if two shots were fired, there are only two possible conclusions: either there was a conspiracy to kill RFK, or a conspiracy to cover-up the accidental firing of a second gun. I think the latter scenario is laughable, and I don't know what Joling and Van Praag advocate, because I am still awaiting my copy of their book An Open and Shut Case.

Van Praag and Joling submitted a paper on their findings to the American Academy of Forensic Sciences. I'm awaiting the results of that peer review.

I have not been as excited about the discovery of the audio tape as others because I know what happened when similar audio evidence surfaced in the JFK case. A policeman's Dictabelt recorder had been stuck on in Dealey Plaza, capturing the shots on tape. This evidence was analyzed by two separate professional acoustical firms for the House Select Committee on Assassinations, and both concluded there were at least four shots fired from at least two different places. It was that evidence that led the HSCA, against the will of its leaders, to conclude a "probable conspiracy" in the assassination of John Kennedy.

Fast forward to 2005. I'll quote the relevant part from a longer piece I wrote on a JFK conference in DC in which numerous issues relating to the JFK case were discussed:
Richard Garwin, whose program biography did not include his work for the CIA (which he acknowledged during the Q&A), presented an opaque argument that the sounds on the Dictabelt tape came a minute too late to have been any of the shots in Dealey Plaza. Presenting charts and graphs that confused most people in the audience, and fumbling over his sound files, Garwin was not well received.

Garwin was followed by Donald Thomas, who had written an article on the acoustical evidence for the well-respected British publication Science & Justice (2001 – see http://www.forensic-science-society.org.uk/Thomas.pdf).

Dr. Thomas presented a stark contrast to Garwin. Thomas began by asserting that the number on the tape Garwin tested was not the number of the tape the House assassination committee tested. He also pointed out that there is a difference in recording speed and playback speed, and that Garwin’s team had applied one which made the shot sounds no longer line up with the House committee analysis.

Thomas provided slides that made clear the points he was making. One could feel the change in the room. People now felt they could follow along as Thomas lined up each sound with the motorcycle’s probable position, and then showed us pictures from the Zapruder film and others that confirmed that the motorcycle cop, Officer H.B. McLain, was indeed in those positions at those times.
I believe strongly that the CIA was deeply involved in both Kennedy assassinations, based on the more than 15 years of evidence I've read on those cases. (Robert Kennedy himself suspected the CIA's involvement, and called the duty officer at CIA HQ right after the assassination asking if their people were involved.)

I believe that, in light of the publicity Joling and Van Praag are receiving, that some CIA guy like Garwin (and perhaps Garwin himself) will step up next and tell us that the Pruszynski tape has been incorrectly analyzed, that no more than eight shots can be heard on the tape. I believe this because I've seen how this works for too many years now. Honest evidence of conspiracy is constantly supplanted with dishonest "proof" of nonconspiracy.

But maybe. The fact that Obama has gotten this far in a process from the outset somewhat rigged against him gives me hope. The fact that the media coverage is so obsessively watched and detailed by people involved in politics means that for once, the media is being held more accountable than usual. And more people are seeking their own information, no longer trusting that the mainstream media will give them "all the news that's fit to print." Maybe this time, the truth will out. I'm not holding my breath. But I'll allow an ounce of hope in that regard.

If you're interested in the real history of the RFK assassination, please read the two pieces below.

Sirhan and the RFK Assassination: Part 1 – The Grand Illusion

Sirhan and the RFK Assassination: Part 2 – Rubik’s Cube

Labels:

 
by Winter Rabbit | 3/26/2008 06:12:00 AM
Carter Camp gave me his permission to repost his essay entitled “Mass Racial Taunting; America’s Weekend Sport” in the comments of "Stereotypical Elements (that) appear… in Athletic Contests" posted at Native American Netroots. I had mentioned that I wanted to cite the Shadow Report as an introduction, so here’s what the Consolidated Indigenous Shadow Report says about Indian Mascots on page 72.


Although the United States would probably respond that racist mascots and logos are an exercise of free speech that it has reserved under the Convention, they reveal the depth and pervasiveness of the racism against Indigenous Peoples so deeply engrained in the history and psyche of the United States and the dominant culture.


And over the break is Carter Camp’s essay entitled “Mass Racial Taunting; America’s Weekend Sport,” which he wrote "several years ago when people in Tulsa were protesting the Union High redskins."

Crossposted at Native American Netroots



MASS RACIAL TAUNTING; AMERICAS WEEKEND SPORT

by Carter Camp, Ponca Nation

For thousands of people in America, Friday nights in the fall are for going to the High School football game. On Saturday, college towns across America swell to double or triple their normal size as fans pour into town to cheer the local college football team. On Sunday, Sunday evening, and Monday night, millions of Americans gather in stadiums, in bars, and in front of their televisions to see a great communal American pastime, professional football. But did you ever stop to think that a great percentage of these same all-American people also will spend some of their time hurling racial epithets at my people? Every Friday, Saturday, and Sunday (and Monday night) millions of Americans will scream and beg for my Indian people to be scalped, chopped, burned, tomahawked and murdered, by the Indians, Savages, Redskins, and Braves across the field. In the winter it moves inside for basketball and in the spring back outside for baseball, but every weekend all year around, one of Americas' favorite things to do is to spend some time ignorantly portraying a stereotypical Indian person or spending a few hours mock-hating and degrading Indian people. And when we Indians dare mention it is offensive, they argue they should keep on doing it because 'they have done it for a long time', longer ago than when they kept slaves or would not let women vote, so long that now it is a tradition! You see, in America even screaming racial epithets can become a cherished tradition that some people are willing to fight a civil war over.*

Not 'racist' epithets, the Americans who are screaming to kill, burn, and scalp us, don't mean us really, they mean those people dressed as caricatures of our ancestors. And they also do not mean to denigrate our religion because most of them do not even know we have religions and they all assume our culture is dead because they have been taught we were a "vanishing race", so it must be ok to insult our Grandfathers dress, speech and hair. They may not be 'racist' people but their 'racial' barbs are just as harmful to our children.

One of the things Americans like to tell us is not to be so sensitive, it is all done in good fun. And perhaps it would be funny to us if the very things they scream to be done to the Indian mascot had not actually been done to our Grandfathers by theirs. I am one generation removed from the atrocity of the genocidal "Ponca removal", my Grandfather and Grandmother survived the Ponca," trail of tears" forced march to Oklahoma Territory in the late 1800's, but one third of my Tribe perished. What is ancient history to most Americans is still fresh in the minds of we Indian people, as close as Hitler's holocaust is to a Jew and much closer than slavery is to a Black person. I think it is too soon to ask us not to be sensitive, I still mourn my Grandparents and my people are still not whole.

When all else fails, mascotteers like to tell Indians they are really "honoring" us. Even those who mean it sincerely must not have considered that there are two sides to every contest and one half of the people in the stadium are in no way seeking to "honor" the "redskins" they are about to "slaughter". There can be no way to honor Indian people by using their Tribe or race as team mascots because mascots become a part of the fray and to half of the people attending they are an enemy to be punished, mocked and defeated. We would like it very much if Americans really did honor us as co-Americans who are worthy of the same respect you give all the other races. Black, White and Yellow people are exempted from the great American weekend custom of mass racial taunting, is it too much to ask of our fellow citizens that we also receive such an exemption?

* Statistics: There are approximately 3,000 schools using Indian people as mascots. Each has four grades with aprox. 6 teams for each grade. Each team plays aprox. 10 games per year. This makes 720,000 games, and if each game has 500 people (stadiums have many thousands while soccer fields have few, 500 is an arbitrary but real number used to make my point), there are 360,000,000 Americans taking part in a given year. If one-half of them are in the opposition, we have the amazing statistic of 180 MILLION! Americans per year taking part in the Great-American-Weekend-Sport of "Mass Racial Taunting"! (MRT) of Indian people. The other 180 million Americans think it is not a big thing. Warning: These statistics do not take into account the hundreds of millions of Americans joining the "MRT" of my people, at home, in front of their kids. CC


Labels:

 
by Unknown | 3/24/2008 07:30:00 PM
Please extend a hearty welcome to our newest contributor, Geschichte Grad, whose excellent first post at ProgressiveHistorians is here. Not much is known about the shadowy GG, who describes himself as residing in "the figurative wilds of academia." When not writing excellent essays on political history, GG can be found warming the academic bench at his own blog.

In addition to my own humble effort, check out notable commentaries on The Speech by: William Hogeland, David Kaiser, Rick Shenkman, Ari Kelman, my ping-pong-playing buddy Gil Troy, and, incredibly enough, George Lakoff (kudos to Bowers and Stoller at Open Left for this catch -- it's a big one). Ralph Luker has an additional list here. Ralph also has an important pre-speech piece on the Wright comments, as do Ed Blum and Melissa Harris-Lacewell.

In case it needs to be said, after The Speech, I've endorsed Barack Obama. I've also added my name to the statement sponsored by the Historians for Obama, a group of which I was previously the most vocal critic from the left. I don't retract anything in that earlier essay, and I still wish Obama practiced Dean's politics of wrath instead of the mealier politics of hope -- but in lieu of Obama's extraordinary display of political courage in The Speech, I see no reason to continue obstinately standing against him.

The most powerful blogger in the world right now is probably Thomas P. M. Barnett, whose article on Admiral William Fallon got the latter relieved of duty for criticizing the Bush Administration in print. Kudos to Barnett for his tenacious reporting.

Finally, congratulations to my co-blogger, Gordon Taylor, whose first book, Fever & Thirst: A Missionary Doctor Amid the Christian Tribes of Kurdistan, is coming out in paperback. Former ProgressiveHistorians blogger delicatemonster wrote an excellent review of the book here. You can pre-order the paperback edition here.

What's on your mind?

[Update] Military historian and antiwar activist Andrew Bacevich is coming to IU, and I seem to be having breakfast with him. Anything in particular you folks would like me to ask him?

Labels:

 
by Unknown | 3/24/2008 06:51:00 PM
[Note: this essay was originally published at HNN, and is cross-posted at My Left Wing, Open Left, Politics and Letters, and Wild Wild Left.]

In her short story "The Ones Who Walk Away from Omelas," Ursula K. LeGuin writes of a fictional utopia whose perfection is made possible by a terrible secret: the imprisonment of a child in the most horrifying conditions imaginable. When the residents of Omelas learn of this devil’s bargain, they face a stark choice: accept a lifetime of guilt-ridden pleasure, or leave the city, never to return. Some choose to stay in Omelas, trading their moral compasses for personal happiness. Those with courage are the ones who walk away.

In America, there is a place very much like Omelas. It is called the Democratic Party. Unlike the Republicans, who generally celebrate their political extremists – think of Mitt Romney cheering Ann Coulter, or John McCain courting the endorsement of the Rev. John Hagee – the Democats have a pathological fear of being identified with their party’s more radical elements. In order to prove their moderate credentials, they periodically call upon one of their presidential candidates to publicly humiliate a fellow Democrat. The chosen scapegoat, like the child of Omelas, is usually someone who belongs to an unpopular and underprivileged group, or who has expressed radical views. Strategists argue that this process is necessary for the party’s nominee to win over moderate voters, who apparently require the spectacle of public shaming in order to accept a Democrat as a responsible citizen.



Perhaps the first victim of this bizarre ritual was Missouri Sen. Thomas Eagleton, who was tapped by 1972 presidential nominee George McGovern as his running mate. After the media reported that Eagleton had been treated for depression years earlier and had undergone electroshock therapy several times, McGovern held a press conference and announced that he was "a thousand percent" behind his running mate. Yet less than forty-eight hours later, Eagleton was out – sacrificed to American intolerance of victims of mental illness.

For the principled McGovern, throwing Eagleton to the political wolves was an uncharacteristic lapse forced upon him by the party establishment. But over the years, many less-scrupulous Democrats have gone out of their way to provoke such ritual humiliations. None has been more dramatic than Bill Clinton’s 1992 “Sister Souljah moment,” an iconic interaction whose name has come to encompass the entire genre of Democratic scapegoatings. Sister Souljah, an African-American R&B artist and strident political leftist, had given a regrettable interview after the Rodney King riots in which she had uttered the phrase, “If black people kill black people everyday, why not have a week and kill white people?” While sharing a stage with Souljah at an event hosted by the Rev. Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow-PUSH Coalition, Clinton slammed Jackson for even having Souljah on the program, ludicrously comparing her words to those of former KKK Grand Wizard David Duke. The ploy worked: Clinton’s poll numbers received a much-needed boost on the back of the hapless Souljah.

Sixteen years after Bill Clinton singled out an angry and powerless young woman for public shaming, the Clintons still believe in the importance of Sister Souljah moments. Weeks ago, Hillary Clinton urged Obama during a debate to "denounce" and "reject" supporter Rev. Louis Farrakhan. In doing so, she reified the ritual scapegoating that has persisted within the Democratic Party for over thirty years – and ignored that ritual’s dark subtext. The Sister Souljah moment was not simply a feel-good morality statement, it was a stark warning to radicals like Souljah: if you utter extremist statements, you will be shunned and hounded from public life. Sister Souljah moments have a chilling effect on public discourse that should raise the ire of all lovers of free speech. Nevertheless, they are – or were – a staple of Democratic politics.

Until Barack Obama walked away from Omelas.

I could write perhaps a half-dozen separate essays on the ways in which Obama’s stunning speech on race last week broke new ground for a presidential candidate. But the aspect of the speech that stands out most clearly to me is Obama’s passionate defense of his pastor, the Rev. Jeremiah Wright – a man who had been caught shouting “God damn America!” in a televised sermon. “That isn't all that I know of the man,” Obama declared in the ringing tones which have become his signature. “As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. … He contains within him the contradictions – the good and the bad – of the community that he has served diligently for so many years. I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community.”

Writers on both sides of the political divide have bemoaned Obama's decision not to scapegoat Wright. On the left, blogger and Clinton supporter Jerome Armstrong charges that “Obama needed to throw Wright under the bus and run him over a few times.” Similarly, conservative historian Victor Davis Hanson laments that Obama's speech "has sanctified the doctrines of moral equivalence" and embodies "the rejection of any consistent moral standard." I could not disagree more. Obama did not endorse Wright’s inflammatory comments by refusing to reject the man himself; far from it. Instead, he declared that our common humanity transcends our political differences. For Obama, there should be no more denouncing and rejecting of people with unpopular opinions, no more public humiliations or Sister Souljah moments. Obama’s speech was not a defense of the indefensible, but a bold appeal to pluralism and tolerance the likes of which has been little heard – and much needed – in our public sphere of late.

In the past, I have bemoaned Obama’s lack of political courage, his unwillingness to stand up for what he believes if doing so placed him in political jeopardy. No longer. By defending Wright at grave risk to his own political future, the Illinois senator has finally shown courage befitting a President. In doing so, Obama has become more than the man with the silken tongue and the audacity of hope; he has vaulted into greatness. If candidate Obama is willing to stand up for his unpopular friend against the winds of political expediency, my hopes are high that President Obama will perform a similar service for his shattered country.

LeGuin writes of the ones who walk away from Omelas, “The place they go towards is a place even less imaginable to most of us than the city of happiness. … It is possible that it does not exist. But they seem to know where they are going.” I do not know where Obama is taking us in his rejection of the politics of scapegoating, but I have a feeling it is going to be glorious.

Labels:

 
by Bastoche | 3/23/2008 02:36:00 PM
Victor Davis Hanson has assessed the situation and come to the inescapable conclusion: Europe is in decline. He delivers this judgment, with his customary elegance and dash, in a recent interview, “The Future With Europe.” After the collapse of Communism, Europe, according to Hanson, was intent on transcending its centuries-old order of nationalistic competition and conflict. It therefore “diverged onto a secularized, affluent, leisured, socialist, and pacifist path” at the end of which lay a “heaven on earth.” In this paradise, the Europeans surmised, they would establish and maintain, on the basis of pure reason alone, a New Order of multinational peace and prosperity.


But the allegedly rational means that Europe chose to attain this utopia are precisely those that have infected and undermined it. Europe renounces military power—a renunciation that weakens its will and emboldens its enemies. Europe relies on a system of parental government—a reliance that infantilizes its citizens and coddles the shiftless. Europe celebrates material growth and gratification—a celebration that denigrates religion and scoffs at sacrifice. Far from constituting a formula for success, Hanson claims, these secular, socialist, Enlightenment ingredients make up “a prescription for disaster”:

When the individual believes in nothing transcendent, has no allegiance to a notion of nationhood, and believes nothing is worth sacrificing for, stasis sets in, lethargy follows, and an effete citizenry becomes as vocal in condemnation as it is impotent in matching deed with word.


Europeans, in Hanson’s view, have rejected the realm of the sacred and have committed themselves rather to a secular and multinational paradise that guarantees their material ease and wraps them in the comforting blanket of lifelong security. They reckon themselves in the vanguard of civilization, but these vanguard utopians espouse no ideal, either religious or nationalist, for which they will deny themselves their accustomed comforts or jeopardize their security. They have, as a consequence, within the confines of their overheated paradise, grown feeble and effete, and their debility is manifest in every aspect of their political and cultural life. The pomo theories of their leftist intellectuals have deconstructed tradition, interrogated power, and, in the process, neutered the European will. Subverted by its own intelligentsia, Europe now cowers in a perpetual cringe, morally incapable of standing up to its new and implacable adversaries. Correspondingly, Europe’s politicians dismiss the need for a potent military and deploy the inconsequential gambits of diplomacy when dealing with the ruthless connivers in Russia and the Middle East. Inevitably, Hanson says, Europe will reap what it has sown, and “the fountainhead of Western culture will slowly decline and whimper as it melts into a pool of irrelevance.”

Irrelevancy, though, is not isolation. Even though it is becoming an increasingly marginal participant in the world-historical conflicts that are already beginning to define this century, Europe cannot escape them. Already one of those conflicts, that between Radical Islam and the West, has infiltrated Europe’s multinational hothouse. Unfortunately but only too predictably, Europe, undermined by its postmodern allegiance to multiculturalism, thinks that it can defuse its conflict with Radical Islam by cravenly appeasing it. But the all-consuming hatred that infuses expansionary Islam cannot be appeased. In fact, as Hanson says to his interlocutor, “radical Islam hates you [Europe] even more than it hates us [America], because it considers you atheistic and weak, us thralls to Christendom, but strong.” Radical Islam, that is, not only hates Europe but despises it. The Islamists know that Europe, valuing nothing beyond its own comfort and peace, will be eager to appease their anger and truckle to their demands. On the other hand, while they hate America, Radical Islamists do not despise it. They know that America does not appease and does not truckle. Quite the contrary, America adheres faithfully to its Christian heritage, maintains its military strength, and has not lost its will to fight, and fight fiercely, those who threaten its interests and its honor.

The distinction is clear. While Europe descends into a morass of effete intellectualism and moral timidity, America maintains its manly spirit.

1. The Reality is Power

Though he does not share Hanson’s divertingly jaundiced view of Europe, Robert Kagan also finds in America an energy and manly spirit that differentiates it from its ally across the Atlantic. As I discussed in my last post, Kagan, in his book Dangerous Nation and in the article derived from it, “Cowboy Nation,” takes issue with the common conception that America, at least until the end of World War II, was an isolationist and peaceful nation, content to prosper and grow behind its two oceanic barriers and wary of getting itself entangled in the broils of a belligerent Europe. This conception, according to Kagan, far from having a solid basis in the historical evidence, is a myth. In Kagan’s view, America has always been an expansionist nation, driven to augment its physical territory and political influence by a singularly aggressive and militant spirit.

Kagan is, like Hanson, an idealist, but he is refreshingly frank and realistic about the American character and admits that throughout its history America has acted from motives that are far from idealistic. Like all other peoples, Kagan says, “Americans have sought power to achieve prosperity, independence, and security as well as less tangible goals.” Undeniably America has mobilized and asserted its energies in order to gain ends that are intangible and ideal. But for America, as for every other nation, securing the tangible ends of life always takes precedence. A nation’s prosperity, indeed its very existence, is founded on the territory and resources it commands, and since the world’s territory and resources are limited, nations must of necessity compete with one another to acquire them and, once acquired, to keep them. The nations that can deploy larger aggregates of power, both economic and military, will prove more successful in the competition. They will accrue more land and resources and be better able to secure their acquisitions from the envious grasp of others.

From its inception, Kagan argues, America has understood this simple and very Hobbesian fact: in a world of limited resources and deadly competition, a nation achieves and sustains its independence and prosperity by means of power, both economic and military. America, therefore, has consistently sought to augment its power and, with a singularly fierce and resolute energy, to use it in order to expand its territory and commerce. Kagan also and very realistically argues that nations, as they augment their power, rewrite their roles in the great geopolitical script of world competition. Their growing power, Kagan says, “increases their sense of entitlement and reduces their tolerance for obstacles that stand in their way.” Nations that grow in power, that is, do not allow it to fust in them unused. They recognize that increased power enlarges their scope of effective action in the world. And so they act. They intrude where they are not welcome and take what they do not own, and they sniff at the “obstacles” that stand in their way—nations that lack the power to resist their intrusions. The more powerful nations will thus and quite naturally use their increasing power to expand their domain of control at the expense of less powerful nations. Powerful nations, in short, become expansionist nations.

2. But the Ideal is Liberty

America, Kagan argues, is precisely such an expansionist nation. As its history clearly shows, it has striven relentlessly to expand its territory and the reach of its trade. But America, in overcoming, and at times violently, the “obstacles” that have stood in the way of its ambition, has not, like other expansionist powers—nineteenth-century Britain, say, or the Soviet Union—become an imperial or despotic power. And it has succumbed to neither the imperial nor the despotic temptation because, according to Kagan, “Americans have been driven outward into the world by something else,” by something more than material self-interest alone, by something immaterial and intangible: “the potent, revolutionary ideology of liberalism that they adopted at the nation's birth.”

Kagan understands that liberalism provided the necessary justification for America’s acquisitive urge, its self-interested desire to seize and defend ever growing tracts of land and pools of resources. Liberalism legitimated this materialistic, even rapacious impulse by arguing that the individual’s right to pursue happiness, including the pursuit of property and wealth, is a natural right, grounded in human nature itself, and as such cannot be unreasonably curbed. But while it is certainly the case that liberalism provided warrant for the release of America’s acquisitive energy, it also grounded America’s identity in a noble and far-reaching political ideal: autonomous self-government, in which the freedom of one implies the freedom of all. Thus, while legitimating America’s ambition to expand, liberalism rescued America from imperialism and despotism by supplying it with the irreducible value that has, since its birth, defined its identity as a nation—liberty.

It soon became obvious to observers both in Old Europe and in America itself that the revolutionary energies released in the new nation by liberalism, energies both material and political, real and ideal, had the power to transform not only America but the world. And while the material transformations were certainly disturbing, it was the potential for political transformation that provoked in Old Europe the most immediate disquiet. As Kagan puts it, liberalism elevated “the rights of the individual over the state--by declaring that all people had a right to life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness and by insisting it was the government's primary job to safeguard those rights.” The autocrats of Old Europe were not imperceptive: they clearly saw the threat implicit in this elevation of individual freedom over the power of the state.

In the liberal ideology, the individual has the inalienable right to preserve and protect that most intimate aspect of his being, his person, comprising both his body and his mind. By extension, the individual has the right to use the capacities of his body and his mind—his physical talents and mental skills—according to his own free and uncoerced choice. He has, that is, the right to pursue his happiness and acquire property as he sees fit, freely and unimpeded by coercion or constraint. And, finally, he has the right to preserve and protect that which he acquires as a result of his free and uncoerced endeavor, his property and his beliefs.

It is often the case, of course, that others will attempt to inflict harm on the individual’s body, thieve his property, or coerce him into thinking and behaving in ways that violate his free will. It is precisely to protect the individual from such coercion and harm that government is instituted and the rule of law sustained. Liberalism contends, however, that the state must avoid arrogating to itself goals beyond the protection of its citizens’ natural rights. It must, that is, affirm its limits lest it become itself coercive and begin to deprive the individual of precisely those liberties it was instituted to protect.

All too often, as history amply shows, the state, if left unchecked, becomes arrogant and unrestrained. It diminishes the scope of its subjects’ power and amplifies the reach of its own. The endpoint of this process is depressingly predictable: When the state has sufficiently magnified its power, its abuses and curtails the rights of its citizens. Liberalism therefore insists that the state must consistently be held in check, and one such check, an essential one, is provided by those whose rights the state was instituted to protect: The governed must be able to consent to their government. If the government proves ineffectual in its protection of liberties or, worse, begins to impinge on and reduce them, the governed have the natural right to remove it, by due legal process—free and fair elections—or, if necessary, by revolutionary force.

A further assumption of liberalism is that the natural rights and liberties of the individual—life, the free pursuit of happiness, the acquisition of property, and government based on the consent of the governed—are universal. Liberty does not apply to one nation or one people only. It rests on the foundation of human nature and as such applies to all peoples and all nations. “Such a worldview,” Kagan says, “does not admit the possibility of alternative truths.” The alternative truth to which liberalism stands unalterably opposed is the “truth” of Old Europe: autocracy and despotism. A government that deliberately seeks to curtail the natural rights and liberties of those it governs is by definition unnatural and must be revoked.

In the grand sweep of human history, the nation that first introduced this universal ideal into the world, the nation that first threw off the despotic encumbrance of Old Europe and claimed for itself the rights inherent in human nature, was, of course, America. But their nation, Americans knew, would not long stand alone as the one autonomous and self-governing nation in the world. Convinced that their own revolutionary success was a herald of political transformation around the world, Americans looked at Old Europe and saw an array of autocracies subverted by moral decadence and political illegitimacy. They knew that these creaky despotisms were “transitory,” historically ephemeral, and that history had already chosen their successor.

3. The Vanguard Nation

This “notion of progress,” Kagan says, this vision of liberty as an irrepressible force gradually undermining and toppling autocracy and despotism, “is a central tenet of liberalism.” Most Americans share the belief that liberty’s progress—the worldwide displacement of tyranny by freedom, of despotism by democracy—“is both inevitable and desirable.” To paraphrase Theodore Parker, the arc of history is long but it bends toward freedom, and Americans have always known that even though the worldwide struggle for freedom experiences delays and setbacks, the outcome of the struggle is preordained. “Because the rights of man were written ‘by the hand of the divinity itself,’ as Hamilton put it, that struggle could ultimately have only one outcome,” the victory of freedom and the defeat of despotism.

“It was a short step from that conviction,” Kagan says, “to the belief that the interests of the United States were practically indistinguishable from the interests of the world.” This compatibility between the interests of America and those of every other nation on earth was indisputable, since the value at the core of America’s national identity, liberty, was grounded in human nature and therefore universal. When this conviction—that the American ideal applied to all peoples and all nations—was joined to the driving energy and expansive spirit that animated American behavior, it was but another short step “to the belief that the United States had a special, even unique, role to play in serving as a catalyst for the evolution of mankind.”

America’s role as the catalytic agent of progress, according to Kagan, was always a passionately active one. Given their restless and uncontainable spirit, their thumos, Americans were never content to sit aloof and secure behind their oceanic barriers. During the nineteenth century, Americans expanded territorially across the continent and commercially across the globe, fervently intent on satisfying their material interests. But with the spread of American territory and American commerce went the spread of the American ideal. Given the liberal affirmation of both the acquisitive impulse and the democratic ideal, it could not be otherwise. At the same time that America’s expansive spirit served the cause of its material security, it served also the cause of liberty and democracy. Born into history as the embodiment of both material success and democratic self-government, America became the vanguard nation that, as Kagan says, would lead the other nations of the earth toward “the liberal democratic ideal” that is central to and “defines our nationalism.”

America has been able to serve as the world’s vanguard nation not only because it embodies the universal ideals of freedom and democracy but also because inherent in its national character is an unrivalled energy and spirit that throughout its history has brooked no obstacle, not to the expansion of its territory, nor of its commerce, nor of its liberal ideal. In the twentieth century that expansive spirit and commitment to freedom would be conjoined to something new: military might. And in good time was the conjunction made, for early in the twentieth century the Old European Order broke down, releasing as it did so not just the violent energies of war but new and malignant forces committed to godless ideals of domination and terror. These new ideologies, Fascism and Communism, constructed regimes that were vastly more illiberal and despotic than the Old World autocracies they succeeded—and vastly more powerful. And like every powerful regime before them, they were energetically expansive. America, with its indomitable will and military might, confronted and beat back the expansive threats of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. But now, in the new millennium, Europe—the New Europe—is once again confronted by a force that threatens to halt the progress of liberty and institute a regress to despotism and tyranny. And this time the force that threatens freedom and democracy is not godless.

4. There is Spirit and Then There is Spirit

The New Europe, however, is confident that it knows better than America the most effective method of dealing with the fanatic threat of Radical Islam. America might be enjoying a unipolar moment of military predominance, but it is Europe—so Europe assumes—that is now in the vanguard of political progress. It has transcended the autocratic ambitions that produced imperialism and war and has become genially multiple: multinational, multicultural, multilateral. With its new multiplicity it has also become atheist, pacifist, and rationalist, and it is certain that, being now in the vanguard of a humanity moving towards global peace and prosperity, its new rational and nonviolent methods of dealing with conflict will overcome the threat posed by Radical Islam.

Europe’s confidence is misplaced and presumptuous, according to Victor Davis Hanson. The manly courage, the strong and dangerous spirit, that Europe needs to defeat the new Islamic threat does not, according to Hanson, derive from the self-involved prattling of secular rationalists. Spirit, rather, derives from belief in the great traditional ideals of religion, family, and nation. “Religious belief means transcendence,” Hanson says at the close of his interview, “or the notion you are living for something greater than yourself.” That something greater than the individual has two dimensions, spiritual and worldly. The spiritual dimension that transcends the individual is, of course, the source of the individual’s being, the Omnipotent Creator. The worldly dimension that transcends the individual includes both family and nation. The secular outlook, however, collapses the individual into himself and focuses his energy on the satisfaction of his physical and emotional needs. If the individual, smitten with self-love, values no ideal beyond his needs and their gratification he will, of course, devote his energy to no good greater than his own. “Atheism means this is it,” Hanson says, “so why have children, invest in your country, or sacrifice your health for abstractions like your country?”

The New Europe has rejected the transcendent ideals of nation and family and religion and has embraced in their stead the seductive reveries of a “postmodern relativism.” As a result, Europe finds itself bereft of will and manly spirit, anxious and irresolute, reduced to flinching in the face of the new Islamic militancy. The Islamic extremists, on the other hand, have no lack of energy and spirit because, unlike the New Europeans, they adhere steadfastly to transcendent ideals. True, these ideals—the ideals of a great religion—have been distorted by a grandiose and malignant ambition. But, unfortunately, it is precisely because they have been irrationally distorted that they instill in the extremists such zeal and passion. And that irrational passion will overwhelm with impunity the effete maneuvers of a rational and cosmopolitan Europe. Only a nation that has not rejected the ideals of God and country, the great ideals that raise us above our materialism and our egotism, can muster the spirit, the fierce motivational energy, needed to engage and vanquish the new Islamic threat. For Hanson such a nation does, thankfully, exist, and that nation is, of course, America.

Like Hanson, Robert Kagan argues that America, throughout its history, has been moved by a vigorous and remarkable spirit. But Kagan’s spirit is not the infinite and otherworldly spirit associated with the Christian religion. Kagan’s spirit is a thisworldly spirit, expansive and manly and incomparably dangerous—the spirit that the pre-Christian Greeks called thumos. Kagan knows that his celebration of America’s expansive spirit and of its dangerous and expansionist destiny calls into question some of the cherished tenets of the older conservative establishment, and later in this series I’ll return to his neoconservative vision and to the challenge it poses to traditional conservatism.

Next time, though, I’ll discuss Harvey Mansfield’s 2007 Jefferson Lecture in which he connects the Greek concept of thumos to “the central question in politics”: the individual’s sense of self-importance or honor. I’ll then examine the book in which, much more controversially, Mansfield connects the concept of thumos to the moral and political virtue that Aristotle called courage or, as the title of Mansfield's book translates it, manliness.

Crossposted at Daily kos and Politics and Letters

Labels: ,